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The tamma and the dual-administrative structure of the Mongol empire

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2009

Donald Ostrowski
Donald Ostrowski*
Affiliation:
Harvard University
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Extract

The Secret History of the Mongols (Yuanchao bishi) tells us that, after the invasion and conquest of Qipchaq and Rus'lands in 1237–40, Qagan Ögödei placed ‘daruγačin and tammačin’ over peoples whose main cities were Ornas, Saḳsīn, Bulgar and Kiev.

Type
Research Article
Information
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies , Volume 61 , Issue 2 , June 1998 , pp. 262 - 277
Copyright
Copyright © School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 1998

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References

1 Mongyol-un niuγa tobγa'an, in de Rachewiltz, Igor, Index to the Secret History of the Mongols (Indiana University Publications, Uralic and Altaic Studies, 121, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1972), §274, p. 165CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cf. Secret History of the Mongols, tr. Cleaves, Francis Woodman (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982), 215Google Scholar; ‘The Secret History of the Mongols’, tr. de Rachewiltz, Igor, Papers on Far Eastern History [PFEH], 31, 1985, 31Google Scholar; and ‘Starinnoe Mongol'skoe skazanie o Chingiskhane’, tr. Pallady, Archimandrite, Trudy chlenov Rossiiskoi dukhovnoi missii v Pekine, 4, 1866, 155Google Scholar. See ‘Cities of the western steppe at the time of the Mongol invasion’ (BSOAS, forthcoming), for my discussion of the identity of these cities.

2 For an elucidation of this point, see Ledyard, Gari K. ‘The establishment of Mongolian military governors in Korea in 1231’, Phi Theta Papers, 6, 05 1961, 4–15.Google Scholar

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7 Mongγol-un niucča tobča'an, § 273, p. 165; cf. Secret Historγ (Cleaves), 214; ‘Secret History’ (Rachewiltz), PFEH, 31, 1985, 30; and ‘Starinnoe Mongol'skoe skazanie’yy, 155.

8 Mongγol-un niuča tobča'an, § 274, p. 165; cf. Secret Historγ (Cleaves), 214; ‘Secret History’ (Rachewiltz), PFEH, 31, 1985, 30; and ‘Starinnoe Mongol'skoe skazanie’, 155. The text declares that ‘the people of Baγtad [ = Baghdad]’ submitted to Chormaγun, but his attack on Baghdad in 1238 did not succeed. Baghdad itself did not fall until 1258 when Hülegü attacked it.

9 Mongγol-un niuča tobča'an, § 274, p. 165; cf. Secret Historγ (Cleaves), 215; ‘Secret History’ (Rachewiltz), PFEH, 31, 1985, 31; and ‘Starinnoe Mongol'skoe skazanie’, 155.

10 Mongγol-un niuča tobča'an, § 276, p. 166; cf.Secret History (Cleaves), 217; ‘Secret History’ (Rachewiltz), PFEH, 31, 1985, 32. Cleaves translates alginči as ‘spy’. Rachewiltz translates it here as ‘ vanguard’ and in § 273 as ‘ scouts’. Doerfer translates it as Grenzwachen. Gerhard Doerfer, Tūrkische undmongolische Elemente im Neupersischen, 4 vols. (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1963–75), I: 252. For a parallel use of the five fingers/ten fingers expression, see Mongγol-un niuča tobča'an, § 53 p. 22; cf. Secret Historγ (Cleaves), 11; ‘Secret History’ (Rachewiltz), PFEH, 4, 1971, 127.

11 Togan, A. Zeki Velidi, ‘The composition of the history of the Mongols by Rashīd al-Dīm’, Central Asiatic Journal, 7, 1962, 64Google Scholar. Cf.Allsen, Thomas T., Mongol imperialism: the policies of the Grand Qan Möngke in China, Russia, and the Islamic lands, 1251–1258 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), 197–8.Google Scholar

12 Morgan, David, The Mongols (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986), 11–12. The resonances between the Jāmi' al-tawārīkh and the Secret History led William Hung to suggest that a later, no longer extant version of the Secret History was one of its sources. William Hung, ‘ The transmission of the book known as The Secret History of the Mongols’, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 14, 1951, 481. But the nature of the similarities between the two texts diminishes the probability of any more or less direct borrowing. For example, both have information the other does not have on the events that both discuss.Google Scholar

13 My thanks to Ben Tahriri and Wheeler Thackston for allowing me to consult them about these passages in Rashid al-Dīn's text.

14 al-Dīn, Rashīd, Dzhami at-tavarikh, II, pt. 1: Kriticheskii tekst, ed. Ali-zade, A. A. (Moscow: Nauka, 1980), 56Google Scholar;, al-Dīn, Rashīd, Djami el-tevarikh, ed. Blochet, Edgar B. (E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Series, vol. 18, Leiden: Brill, 1911), 18Google Scholar;, al-Dīn, Rashīd, The successors of Genghis Khan, tr. Boyle, John Andrew (New York: Columbia University Press, 1971), 32–3Google Scholar., Cf. al-Dīn, Rashīd, Sbomik letopisei, 3 vols. (Moscow and Leningrad: Akademiya nauk SSSR, 1946–1960), IIGoogle Scholar, tr.Verkhovsky, Yu. P., ed. Petrushevsky, I. P., 20. ‘Bahadur’ is an honorific title meaning ‘hero, warrior’. See, e.g., Grigor of Akner [Akanc'], ‘History of the nation of the archers (the Mongols)’, ed. and tr. Robert P. Blake and Richard N. Frye, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 12, 1949, 343.Google Scholar

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18 Juvaynī, 'Ala-ad-Dīn 'Ata-Malīk, [Juvaini], The history of the world-conqueror, tr. Boyle, John Andrew (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1958), 482.Google Scholar

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22 al-Dīn, Rashīd, Jāmi' al-tawārīkh (Berezin), 15, 1888, 229. Cf. Rashīd al-Dīn, ȘSbornik letopisei’ (Berezin), 15, 1888, 152; Rashīd al-Dīn, Sbornik letopisei, I, pt. 2 (Smirnova), 279–80.Google Scholar

23 The editors of the critical Moscow edition of 1965, however, suggest that tama here derives from tamam meaning ‘complete’ or ‘ full’, Rashīd al-Dīn, Dzhami at-tavarikh, I, pt. 1: Kriticheskii tekst. 151, n.l.

24 See, e.g., Polnoe sobranie russkikh letopisei (PSRL), 40 vols. (St Petersburg/Petrograd/Leningrad and Moscow: Arkheograficheskaya komissiya, Nauka, and Arkheograficheskii tsentr, 1843–1995), 15.1: col. 68; 22: 431; and Dukhovnye i dogovornye gramoty velikikh i udel'nykh knyazei xiv-xvi vv., ed. L. V. Cherepnin (Moscow and Leningrad: Akademiya Nauk SSSR, 1950), no. 40, p. 119; Akty, otnosyashchiesa k istorii Zapadnoi Rossii, 5 vols. (St Petersburg: Arkheograficheskaya kommissiya, 1846–53), no. 6: 4–5; no. 200: 362–4.Google Scholar

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26 Da yuan mazheng (Guoxue wenku, no. 6), cited in Buell, ‘ Tribe, qan and ulus in early Mongol China’, 70.

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33 ibid., 75–6.

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38 Bartol'd, Turkestan v èpokhu Mongol'skogo nashestviya, 534; idem, Turkestan down to the Mongol invasion, 465.

39 Bartol'd, Turkestan v èpokhu Mongol'skogo nashestviya, 534, n.4; idem, Turkestan down to the Mongol invasion, 496, n.14.

40 Buell, ‘Kalmyk Tanggaci people’, 45.

41 ibid., 46.

42 ibid., 47.

43 ibid., 47, 45.

44 ibid., 48.

45 ibid., 48.

46 ibid., 49.

47 Buell, ‘Tribe, qan and ulus in early Mongol China’, 69.

48 ibid., 70.

49 Grigor of Akner, ‘ History of the nation of the archers’, 337.

50 Cleaves, Francis Woodman, ‘ The Mongolian names and terms in the History of the nation of the archers of Grigor of Akanc' ’, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 12, 1949, 439–40. Blake and Frye defined ‘ tamači’ in their note to the text as ‘ a class of knights or cavaliers among the Mongols.’ Grigor of Akner, ‘ History of the nation of the archers’, 388n.47.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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52 Thackston, , Baburnama, 454Google Scholar. Cf. Erskine, William, who defines it as ‘a sort of adjutants who attended to the order of the troops and carried orders from the general’. Memoirs of Zehir-ed-Din Muhammed Barber, Emperor of Hindustan, tr. Leyden, John and Erskine, William (London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, and Green, 1826), 227, n.3.Google Scholar

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54 Yuanshi l/2a, transl. in Hsiao, , Military establishment, 73.Google Scholar

55 Yuanshi 99/5a, transl. in Hsiao, , Military establishment, 96. In his translation, Hsiao added the words ‘qun’ and ‘armies’ because he thought that is what was meant.Google Scholar

56 Sbornik letopisei, I, pt. 2 (Smirnova), 205.Google Scholar

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64 Juvaynī, , History, 44, n.3.Google Scholar

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75 Juvaynī, , History, 105, 110, and 482.Google Scholar

76 ibid., 144, 146, and 155.

77 ibid., 150.

78 ibid., 173.

79 ibid., 154. If the Khwarezm Shah did give such advice, the Mervians ignored it for the Mongols destroyed their city in 1223 after several revolts.

80 Juvaynī, , History, 349 (peaceful), 351 (military).Google Scholar

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84 ibid., 44–5.

85 Wittfogel, and Feng, , History of Chinese society: Liao (907–1125), 666. Boyle agreed with them. See his comment in Juvaynī, History, 44n.4.Google Scholar

86 Kracke tells us that, under the Song, ‘the name of the function or unit administered was generally preceded by a term such as “administering”, or “supervising”, or “provisional”, or a combination of these. The exact use of these prefixes varied at different times.’ Kracke, Civil service in early Sung China, 80.

87 Juvaynī, , History, 107, n.27; Bartol'd, Turkestan down to the Mongol invasion, 427, 448, and 492.Google Scholar

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90 Wittfogel and Fêng reported that Paul Pelliot, in a personal communication suggested that the term shahna (Seljuq: šihna), derives from shaochien. Wittfogel and Fêng, History of Chinese society: Liao (907–1125), 666.

91 This is the sense in which Radloff defines it. Radloff, Wilhelm, Versuch eines Wörterbuches der Türkdialecte, 4 vols. (St Petersburg: Commissionnaires de l'Académie Imperiale des Sciences, 1888–1911), iv: 1533.Google Scholar

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94 Owen Lattimore, ‘Honour and loyalty: the case of Temüjin and Jamulka’, in Clark, Larry V. and Draghi, Paul Alexander (ed.), Aspects of Altaic civilization II. Proceedings of the XVIII PI AC, Bloomington, June 29-July 3, 1975 (Bloomington: Asian Studies Research Institute, Indiana University, 1978), 129.Google Scholar

95 See inter alia Dalai, Chuluuny, Mongoliya v XIII–XIV vekakh (Moscow: Nauka, 1983), 46.Google Scholar

96 Buell, ‘Sino-Khitan administration in Mongol Bukhara’, 124n.15.

97 Endicott-West, Mongolian rule in China, 3.

98 Endicott-West, Mongolian rule in China, 79–83; see also Wittfogel and Fêng, History of Chinese society: Liao (907–1125), 65, n.29. The daluhuachi governed an area called a touxia and, according to Wittfogel and Fêng, was replaced every three years. But Endicott-West found a number of cases where daluhuachis served longer, in one case 17 years. Endicott-West, Mongolian rule in China, 76–7.

99 For some of the problems of jurisdiction that arose between the civil and military administrations, see Endicott-West, Mongolian rule in China, 38–42.

100 Yuanshi 120: 2969, as translated in Endicott-West, Mongolian rule in China, 35. Ratchnevsky pointed out that this is the only occurrence of the term basiha in the Yuanshi. Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan, 180.

101 Mottahedeh, Roy P., Loyalty and leadership in an early Islamic society (Princeton University Press, 1980), 182.CrossRefGoogle Scholar