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“No two religions”: Non-Muslims in the early Islamic Ḥijāz

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 November 2014

Harry Munt
Harry Munt*
Affiliation:
University of York
*
[email protected]
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Abstract

Many classical Islamic sources argue that it is not permissible for non-Muslims to reside in the Ḥijāz, especially Mecca and Medina. Such arguments are usually based on a famous Prophetic saying, “Two religions should not join/remain in the peninsula/land of the Arabs”, and on the reported action taken by the second caliph ʿUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb to remove non-Muslims from settlements in western Arabia. In this article, it is argued that the contradictory nature of the evidence for this expulsion casts serious doubt on whether such a widespread action actually took place, certainly not in the decades immediately following Muḥammad's death. It concludes that the widely attested classical prohibition on non-Muslims residing in the Ḥijāz rather had much more to do with the gradually evolving need to draw up firmer communal boundaries, which could help distinguish Muslims from others, and the role played by sacred spaces in doing so.

Keywords

ḤijāzMeccaNon-MuslimsḤadithIslamic lawCommunal boundaries
Type
Articles
Information
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies , Volume 78 , Issue 2 , June 2015 , pp. 249 - 269
Copyright
Copyright © SOAS, University of London 2014 

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References

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11 For Christianity in Arabia in general, see Trimingham, J.S., Christianity among the Arabs in Pre-Islamic Times (London: Longman, 1979)Google Scholar; in the border regions of Syria, Palestine and Iraq, see now Fisher, G., Between Empires: Arabs, Romans, and Sasanians in Late Antiquity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 34–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Farès, S., “Christian monasticism on the eve of Islam: Kilwa (Saudi Arabia) – new evidence”, Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy (AAE) 22/2, 2011, 243–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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13 Samir, S.K., “The Prophet Muḥammad as seen by Timothy I and other Arab Christian authors”, in Thomas, D. (ed.), Syrian Christians under Islam: The First Thousand Years (Leiden: Brill, 2001)Google Scholar, 84. It would seem, therefore, that when the same author credits the famous Mār Mārī with the introduction of Christianity to “the Arab lands” (bilād al-ʿarab), this was not necessarily meant to include the Ḥijāz: ʿAmr b. Mattā, Akhbār faṭārikat kursī al-mashriq min Kitāb al-Mijdal, ed. Gismondi, H., Maris Amri et Slibae de patriarchis Nestorianorum commentaria, 2 vols (Rome: De Luigi, 1896–99)Google Scholar, II, 1.

14 C.F. Robinson, “Waraḳa b. Nawfal”, EI (second edition), XI, 142–3; al-Azraqī, Akhbār Makka, ed. Malḥas, R., 2 vols (Beirut: Dār al-Andalus, n.d.), I, 165–9Google Scholar. For a recent discussion of the meagre evidence for Christians in Mecca and Medina which surveys much earlier scholarship, see Osman, G., “Pre-Islamic Arab converts to Christianity in Mecca and Medina: an investigation into the Arabic sources”, Muslim World 95/1, 2005, 67–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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18 Procopius, Wars, I.xix.3–4.

19 Hoyland, R.G., “The Jews of the Hijaz in the Qurʾān and in their inscriptions”, in Reynolds, G.S. (ed.), New Perspectives on the Qurʾān: The Qurʾān in Its Historical Context 2 (London: Routledge, 2011), 91–116.Google Scholar

20 A good introductory survey is Newby, History, 49–96; for the Jews of Medina, see esp. Lecker, M., “Zayd b. Thābit, ‘A Jew with two sidelocks’: Judaism and literacy in pre-Islamic Medina (Yathrib)”, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 56/4, 1997, 259–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar. There has been a debate, at least since the second/eighth century, on the origins of this Jewish community in the Ḥijāz, particularly in Medina, and whether their origins lie in Jewish immigration from the lands to the north or in conversion among local tribes; see for example Gil, M., “The origin of the Jews of Yathrib”, JSAI 4, 1984, 203–24Google Scholar.

21 Astren, F., “Re-reading the Arabic sources: Jewish history and the Muslim conquests”, JSAI 36, 2009, 93.Google Scholar

22 Saʿd, Ibn, Kitāb al-Ṭabaqāt al-kabīr, ed. Sachau, E. et al. , 9 vols (Leiden: Brill, 1904–40)Google Scholar, I/ii, 38; al-Salameen, Z. et al. , “New Arabic–Christian inscriptions from Udhruḥ, southern Jordan”, AAE 22/2, 2011, 232–42Google Scholar.

23 For other useful modern overviews, see Fattal, Statut légal, 85–91; Ferré, “Muhammad a-t-il exclu”; Schöller, Exegetisches Denken, 313–34.

24 The translation is Arberry's (slightly adapted).

25 For example, al-Shāfiʿī, Kitāb al-Umm, ed. al-Muṭṭalib, R.F. ʿAbd, 11 vols (al-Manṣūra: Dār al-Wafāʾ, 1422/2001)Google Scholar, V, 418; ʿAbd al-Razzāq, al-Muṣannaf, ed. Ḥ.-R. al-Aʿẓamī, 11 vols (Beirut: al-Majlis al-ʿIlmī, n.d.), X, 356 (no. 19356), where the opinion is ascribed to ʿAṭāʾ b. Abī Rabāḥ (d. 115/733–34); al-Jaṣṣāṣ, Aḥkām al-Qurʾān, ed. Qamḥāwī, M.Ṣ., 5 vols (Beirut: Dār Iḥyāʾ al-Turāth al-ʿArabī, 1412/1992), IV, 278–81Google Scholar.

26 Lammens, H., “Les sanctuaires préislamites dans l'Arabie occidentale”, Mélanges de l'Université Saint-Joseph 11, 1926, 42–3Google Scholar, 107; Hawting, G.R., “The origins of the Muslim sanctuary at Mecca”, in Juynboll, G.H.A. (ed.), Studies on the First Century of Islamic Society (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1982), 36–8Google Scholar.

27 For a “classical” commentary, see al-Ṭabarī, Jāmiʿal-bayān fī taʾwīl al-Qurʾān, 3rd ed., 13 vols (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, 1420/1999), VI, 334–5Google Scholar.

28 And also occasionally to Q 5:2, on which see Schöller, Exegetisches Denken, 330–3.

29 ʿAbd al-Razzāq's traditions can be found within his Muṣannaf, VI, 51–8 (nos 9977–95); X, 356–62 (nos 19356–74). On the circumstances of transmission which led to the doubling up of many traditions dealing with non-Muslims in volumes VI and X of the edited text of ʿAbd al-Razzāq's Muṣannaf, and for a persuasive argument that most of its traditions on the topic of non-Muslims at least probably were circulated by ʿAbd al-Razzāq, see Motzki, H., “The author and his work in the Islamic literature of the first centuries: the case of ʿAbd al-Razzāq's Muṣannaf”, JSAI 28, 2003, 171–201.Google Scholar

30 Relevant traditions can also be found in, for example, al-Shaybānī, Muwaṭṭaʾ al-imām Mālik: riwāyat Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan al-Shaybānī, ed. al-Laṭīf, ʿA.-W. ʿAbd, 3rd ed. (Cairo: Wizārat al-Awqāf, 1407/1987), 284–5Google Scholar (nos 873–4); al-Laythī, Yaḥyā, al-Muwaṭṭaʾ li-imām dār al-hijra Mālik b. Anas: riwāyat Yaḥyā b. Yaḥyā al-Laythī al-Andalusī, ed. Maʿrūf, B.ʿA., 2nd ed., 2 vols (Beirut: Dār al-Gharb al-Islāmī, 1417/1997)Google Scholar, II, 470–1 (Kitāb al-Jāmiʿ, nos 17–19); al-Ṭayālisī, Musnad (Hyderabad: Dāʾirat al-Maʿārif al-Niẓāmiyya, 1321/1903–04)Google Scholar, 31 (no. 229); Shayba, Ibn Abī, Muṣannaf, ed. al-Jumʿa, Ḥ. and al-Luḥaydān, M., 16 vols (Riyadh: Maktabat al-Rushd, 1425/2004)Google Scholar, XI, 346–7 (Kitāb al-Siyar, bāb 71; nos 33534–41); Abū ʿUbayd, Kitāb al-Amwāl, ed. M.Kh. Harrās, 2nd ed. (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, 1406/1986 [reprint]), esp. 106–10; Ibn Saʿd, Ṭabaqāt, II/ii, 44; Aḥmad, Musnad, 6 vols (Cairo: al-Maṭbaʿa al-Maymāniyya, n.d.), I, 29, 32, 87, 195–6, 222; III, 345; VI, 274–5; al-Tirmidhī, al-Jāmiʿal-ṣaḥīḥ, ed. A.M. Shākir, M.F. ʿAbd al-Bāqī and K.Y. al-Ḥūt, 5 vols (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, n.d. [reprint]), IV, 133–4 (Kitāb al-Siyar, bāb 43); al-Dārimī, al-Sunan, ed. al-ʿAlamī, Kh.S. and Zamarlī, F.A., 2 vols (Beirut: Dār al-Kitāb al-ʿArabī, 1407/1987)Google Scholar, II, 305–6 (Kitāb al-Siyar, bāb 55); Dāwūd, Abū, Sunan, ed. al-Daʿʿās, ʿI.ʿU. and al-Sayyid, ʿĀ., 5 vols (Beirut: Dār Ibn Ḥazm, 1418/1997)Google Scholar, III, 266–75, 279–81 (Kitāb al-Kharāj wa-al-imāra wa-al-fayʾ, abwāb 22–4, 28); al-Bukhārī, Kitāb al-Jāmiʿal-ṣaḥīḥ, ed. Krehl, M.L. and Juynboll, T.W., 4 vols (Leiden: Brill, 1862–1908)Google Scholar, II, 72 (Kitāb al-Ḥarth wa-al-muzāraʿa, bāb 17); 294–5 (Kitāb al-Jizya, bāb 6); III, 185 (Kitāb al-Maghāzī, bāb 83).

31 ʿAbd al-Razzāq, Muṣannaf, VI, 53 (no. 9984); X, 359 (no. 19367).

32 On Jābir b. ʿAbd Allāh (d. between 68/687–88 and 79/698–99), see al-Mizzī, Tahdhīb al-kamāl fī asmāʾ al-rijāl, ed. Maʿrūf, B.ʿA., 35 vols (Beirut: Muʾassasat al-Risāla, 1402–13/1982–92)Google Scholar, IV, 443–54. The other shared links in the isnād are the Meccans Abū al-Zubayr (d. before 128/745–46) and Ibn Jurayj (d. c. 149–51/766–69), on whom see respectively al-Mizzī, Tahdhīb, XXVI, 402–11; XVIII, 338–54.

33 ʿAbd al-Razzāq, Muṣannaf, VI, 53 (no. 9982).

34 Ibn Abī Shayba, Muṣannaf, XI, 347 (Kitāb al-Siyar, bāb 71; no. 33540).

35 Al-Dārimī, Sunan, II, 305–6 (Kitāb al-Siyar, bāb 55).

36 Al-Tirmidhī, Jāmiʿ, IV, 133–4 (Kitāb al-Siyar, bāb 43).

37 On this, see esp. Fattal, Statut légal, 86–8; Ferré, “Muhammad a-t-il exclu”, esp. 59–65, where he translates a discussion on the topic from Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya's (d. 751/1350) Aḥkām ahl al-dhimma. For a relatively early survey of varying jurists' opinions on this question, see al-Ṭabarī, Ikhtilāf al-fuqahāʾ, ed. Schacht, J., Das konstantinopler Fragment des Kitāb Iḫtilāf al-fuqahāʾ des Abū Ğaʿfar Muḥammad ibn Ğarīr aṭ-Ṭabarī (Leiden: Brill, 1933), 233–6Google Scholar.

38 Al-Shāfiʿī, Umm, V, 418–23. For a later Shāfiʿī discussion, see al-Māwardī, al-Ḥāwī al-kabīr, ed. Muʿawwaḍ, ʿA.M. and al-Mawjūd, ʿĀ.A. ʿAbd, 20 vols (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, 1414–16/1994–96), XIV, 334–9Google Scholar; al-Māwardī, al-Aḥkām al-sulṭāniyya wa-al-wilāyāt al-dīniyya, ed. al-Sirjānī, M.F. (Cairo: al-Maktaba al-Tawfīqiyya, 1978), 188–9Google Scholar. Some doubt has been expressed concerning the date of composition of the Kitāb al-Umm usually attributed to al-Shāfiʿī, and Norman Calder has suggested that a great deal of material may have continued to enter the text at the very least through the third/ninth century; see his Studies in Early Muslim Jurisprudence (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 67–85Google Scholar.

39 Al-Māwardī, al-Ḥāwī al-kabīr, XIV, 334, 336; al-Māwardī, al-Aḥkām al-sulṭāniyya, 188–9; Fattal, Statut légal, 87–8; Ferré, “Muhammad a-t-il exclu”, 62.

40 Fattal, Statut légal, 87; Ferré, “Muhammad a-t-il exclu”, 60. For an example of a broad Mālikī definition of the exclusion zone, see al-Jadd, Ibn Rushd, al-Bayān wa-al-taḥṣīl wa-al-sharḥ wa-al-tawjīh wa-al-taʿlīl fī masāʾil al-mustakhraja, ed. Ḥajjī, M. et al. , 20 vols (Beirut: Dār al-Gharb al-Islāmī, 1404–7/1984–87)Google Scholar, XVII, 50.

41 For example, al-Sarakhsī, Sharḥ al-siyar al-kabīr, 4 vols (Hyderabad: Dāʾirat al-Maʿārif al-Niẓāmiyya, 1335–36/1916–18), III, 257–8Google Scholar; al-Kāsānī, Badāʾiʿ al-ṣanāʾiʿ fī tartīb al-sharāʾiʿ, 7 vols, 2nd ed. (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, 1406/1986)Google Scholar, VII, 114. That reports attributed to Mālik himself sometimes contradict the claims that all non-Muslims were expelled from all settlements of the Ḥijāz, see Schöller, Exegetisches Denken, 321.

42 al-Khallāl, Abū Bakr, Ahl al-milal wa-al-ridda wa-al-zanādiqa wa-tārik al-ṣalāt wa-al-farā'iḍ min Kitāb al-Jāmiʿ, ed. Sulṭān, I.Ḥ., 2 vols (Riyadh: Maktabat al-Maʿārif, 1416/1996)Google Scholar, I, 195 (no. 330); al-Kawsaj, Kitāb al-Masā'il ʿan imāmay ahl al-ḥadīth Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal wa-Isḥāq b. Rāhwayh, ed. al-Ḥulwānī, Ṭ.F., 3 vols (Cairo: al-Fārūq al-Ḥadītha, 1426/2005)Google Scholar, III, 234 (no. 2832). On Aḥmad's attitude towards non-Muslims more generally, see Sizgorich, T., Violence and Belief in Late Antiquity: Militant Devotion in Christianity and Islam (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), 231–71Google Scholar.

43 Khadduri, M., The Islamic Law of Nations: Shaybānī's Siyar (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1966), 277–8Google Scholar. As with al-Shāfiʿī's Kitāb al-Umm, Calder has questioned the dating of many works usually attributed to al-Shaybānī to his lifetime; see his Studies in Early Muslim Jurisprudence, 39–66; cf., however, in part Sadeghi, B., “The authenticity of two 2nd/8th century Ḥanafī legal texts: the Kitāb al-Āthār and al-Muwaṭṭaʾ of Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan al-Shaybānī”, Islamic Law and Society (ILS) 17/3–4, 2010, 291–319CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

44 See esp. Ward, “Fragment”. For some further discussion of the question of where, outside of the Ḥijāz or Arabia, non-Muslims could legitimately reside, see Levy-Rubin, M., “Shurūṭ ʿUmar and its alternatives: the legal debate on the status of the dhimmīs”, JSAI 30, 2005, 174–80Google Scholar; Bello, M. Fierro, “A Muslim land without Jews or Christians: Almohad policies regarding the ‘protected people’”, in Tischler, M.M. and Fidora, A. (eds), Christlicher Norden – muslimischer Suden: Ansprüche und Wirklichkeiten von Christen, Juden und Muslimen auf der iberischen Halbinsel im Hoch- und Spätmittelalter (Münster: Aschendorff Verlag, 2011), 231–47Google Scholar.

45 For other discussions, see for example Friedlaender, I., “The Jews of Arabia and the Gaonate”, Jewish Quarterly Review (JQR) 1, 1910–11, 249–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tritton, Caliphs, 175–6; Fattal, Statut légal, 88–90; Newby, History, 97–108; Schöller, Exegetisches Denken, 326–8; Elad, A., “Community of believers of ‘holy men’ and ‘saints’ or community of Muslims? The rise and development of early Muslim historiography”, Journal of Semitic Studies (JSS) 47/2, 2002, 296–7Google Scholar, n. 200.

46 As well as those studies cited above, n. 9, see also Fiey, J.M., “Diocèses syriens orientaux du Golfe Persique”, in Mémorial Mgr Gabriel Khouri-Sarkis (1898–1968) (Leuven: Imprimerie orientaliste, 1968), 209–19Google Scholar; Kennet, D., “The decline of eastern Arabia in the Sasanian period”, AAE 18/1, 2007, 89–94Google Scholar; Carter, R.A., “Christianity in the Gulf during the first centuries of Islam”, AAE 19/1, 2008, 71–108Google Scholar; Payne, R., “Monks, dinars and date palms: hagiographical production and the expansion of monastic institutions in the early Islamic Persian Gulf”, AAE 22/1, 2011, 97–111.Google Scholar

47 Beaucamp and Robin, “Christianisme”, 56–7. On the expulsion of the Najrānīs, see esp. Lecker, “Najrān Inc”.

48 Goitein, S.D., “The Jews of Yemen”, in Arberry, A.J. (ed.), Religion in the Middle East: Three Religions in Concord and Conflict, 2 vols (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), I, 226–35Google Scholar; Tobi, Y., The Jews of Yemen: Studies in Their History and Culture (Leiden: Brill, 1999)Google Scholar. The existence of Jews in Yemen seemed to cause particular problems in the eleventh/seventeenth century; see Ibn Abī Rijāl, al-Nuṣūṣ al-ẓāhira fī ijlāʾ al-yahūd al-fājira, ed. al-Tāzī, ʿA.-H., Majallat al-majmaʿ al-ʿilmī al-ʿirāqī 32/3–4, 1981, 378–400Google Scholar; al-Maghribī, Risāla fī baqāʾ al-yahūd fī arḍ al-Yaman, ed. and trans. M. Fabbro, Islamochristiana 16, 1990, 67–90.

49 Al-Samhūdī, Wafāʾ al-wafā bi-akhbār dār al-muṣṭafā, ed. al-Sāmarrāʾī, Q., 5 vols (London: Muʾassasat al-Furqān, 1422/2001), II, 268–70Google Scholar.

50 Gil, M., “The Babylonian encounter and the exilarchic house in the light of Cairo Geniza documents and parallel Arab sources”, in Golb, N. (ed.), Judaeo-Arabic Studies: Proceedings of the Founding Conference of the Society for Judaeo-Arabic Studies (Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1997)Google Scholar, 157.

51 For more examples, see the studies cited in n. 45.

52 Shabba, Ibn, Taʾrīkh al-Madīna al-munawwara, ed. Bayān, Y.S.-D. and Dandal, ʿA.M., 2 vols (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyya, 1417/1996), I, 113Google Scholar; al-Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh al-rusul wa-al-mulūk, ed. de Goeje, M.J. et al. , 3 parts in 13 vols (Leiden: Brill, 1879–1901)Google Scholar, III, 1760.

53 Khurradādhbih, Ibn, Kitāb al-Masālik wa-al-mamālik, ed. de Goeje, M.J. (Leiden: Brill, 1889)Google Scholar, 153; Gil, M., “The Rādhānite merchants and the land of Rādhān”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 17/3, 1974, 308–9Google Scholar.

54 Al-Muqaddasī, Aḥsan al-taqāsīm fī maʿrifat al-aqālīm, ed. de Goeje, M.J., 2nd ed. (Leiden: Brill, 1906), 83–4Google Scholar; see also M. Lecker, “Wādī al-Ḳurā”, EI (second edition), XI, 18–19; Elad, “Community”, 297, n. 200. A century or so later, Abū ʿUbayd al-Bakrī (d. 487/1094) suggested that Jews had first settled in Wādī al-Qurā after the destruction of Thamūd: al-Bakrī, Muʿjam mā istaʿjam, ed. al-Saqqā, M., 4 vols (Cairo: Maṭbaʿat Lajnat al-Taʾlīf wa-al-Tarjama wa-al-Nashr, 1364–71/1945–51)Google Scholar, I, 43.

55 Friedlaender, “Jews”, 251; Mann, J., “The responsa of the Babylonian Geonim as a source of Jewish history”, JQR 7/4, 1916–17, 489Google Scholar; Hoyland, “Jews”, 102–3, 112–4.

56 This source is the so-called Statistique inédite de l'ancienne église chaldéo-nestorienne [= Taqwīm al-kanāʾis al-nusṭūriyya], ed. and trans. P. Aziz (Beirut: Imprimerie catholique, 1909), 8 for Medina. (I am very grateful to Muriel Debié for providing me with a copy of this text.) Modern scholars seem somewhat divided over the usefulness of the information provided in this source, which was written after the turn of the seventeenth century ce. J.M. Fiey, for example, noted that, “Cet ouvrage est d'ailleurs un factum tardif sans aucune valeur historique”; see his “Comment l'occident en vint à parler de ‘Chaldéens’”, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 78/3, 1996, 167Google Scholar, n. 29. Others, however, have given more weight to it, including Aigrain, R., “Arabie”, in Baudrillart, A. et al. (eds), Dictionnaire d'histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, vol. 3 (Paris: Librairie Letouzey et Ané, 1924)Google Scholar, col. 1333; Robin, C.J., “Arabia, Christians and Jews in”, in Vauchez, A. et al. (eds), Encyclopedia of the Middle Ages, 2 vols (Cambridge: James Clark & Co., 2000), I, 89–90Google Scholar. If this Statistique inédite were shown to contain generally reliable information, it would certainly shed remarkable new light on an otherwise totally hidden Christian community; as well as the metropolitan bishop at Medina and one at Ṣanʿāʾ, it also mentions a number of other Arabian bishops (including at Najrān and ʿUkāẓ), and a host of more minor officials and sizeable Christian communities. I have not spent much time working with this source, but my current feeling is that its information on the Ḥijāz at least seems most likely to be spurious, although if this is the case it is just as interesting that someone thought it worth inventing.

57 On early Islamic geographical definitions of the Ḥijāz and other constituent parts of the Arabian Peninsula, see also Lammens, H., “L'ancienne frontière entre la Syrie et le Ḥidjâz (notes de géographie historique)”, Bulletin de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale 14, 1918, 69–96Google Scholar; al-Wohaibi, A., The Northern Hijaz in the Writings of the Arab Geographers, 800–1150 (Beirut: al-Risalah, 1973), 17–31Google Scholar; Bashear, S., “Yemen in early Islam: an examination of non-tribal traditions”, Arabica 36/3, 1989, 327–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lecker, M., “Biographical notes on Ibn Shihāb al-Zuhrī”, JSS 41/1, 1996, 58–61Google Scholar; Retsö, J., The Arabs in Antiquity: Their History from the Assyrians to the Umayyads (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), 48–51Google Scholar. For a detailed discussion of the problems faced by Muslim scholars confronting this particular question, see also Schöller, Exegetisches Denken, 322–34.

58 Al-Balādhurī, Kitāb Futūḥ al-Buldān, ed. Goeje, M.J. de (Leiden: Brill, 1866), 34–5Google Scholar; al-Wāqidī, Kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Jones, J.M.B., 3 vols (London: Oxford University Press, 1966)Google Scholar, II, 711; Abū Dāwūd, Sunan, III, 281 (Kitāb al-Kharāj wa-al-imāra wa-al-fayʾ, bāb 28).

59 For example, ʿAbd al-Razzāq, Muṣannaf, VI, 55 (no. 9989); al-Bukhārī, Jāmiʿ, II, 72 (Kitāb al-Ḥarth wa-al-muzāraʿa, bāb, 17).

60 Al-Khallāl, Ahl al-milal, I, 127–8 (nos 143–4).

61 Al-Bakrī, Muʿjam, I, 11 (reading al-jinān, “the gardens”, instead of the published al-ḥinān).

62 For example, Aḥmad, al-Khalīl b. (attrib.), Kitāb al-ʿAyn, ed. al-Makhzūmī, M. and al-Sāmarrāʾī, I., 8 vols (Baghdad: Dār al-Rashīd, 1980–85)Google Scholar, III, 70; al-Iṣfahānī, Bilād al-ʿarab, ed. al-ʿAlī, Ṣ.A. and al-Jāsir, Ḥ. (Riyadh: Dār al-Yamāma, 1388/1968), 14–16Google Scholar; al-Bakrī, Muʿjam, I, 11–12.

63 Ḥazm, Ibn, Jamharat ansāb al-ʿarab, ed. Hārūn, ʿA.-S.M., 7th ed. (Cairo: Dār al-Maʿārif, 2010)Google Scholar, 421.

64 Al-Muqaddasī, Aḥsan al-taqāsīm, 68–70, 178.

65 Goitein, S.D., A Mediterranean Society: An Abridgement in One Volume, rev. and ed. Lassner, J. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999)Google Scholar, 146. See further Levy-Rubin, “Shurūṭ ʿUmar”, 174–80; Ward, “Fragment”, 415–7.

66 There is also plenty of archaeological and material evidence for continued church building; see, for example, Schick, R., The Christian Communities of Palestine from Byzantine to Islamic Rule: A Historical and Archaeological Study (Princeton: Darwin Press, 1995)Google Scholar.

67 For example, al-Balādhurī, Futūḥ, 34–5.

68 For example, ʿAbd al-Razzāq, Muṣannaf, VI, 54 (no. 9987); Yaḥyā al-Laythī, Muwaṭṭaʾ, II, 470 (Kitāb al-Jāmiʿ, no. 17); al-Shaybānī, Muwaṭṭaʾ, 285.

69 Levy-Rubin, Non-Muslims, esp. 58–98.

70 Ibn Abī Shayba, Muṣannaf, XI, 347 (Kitāb al-Siyar, bāb 71; no. 33538).

71 Ibn Abī Shayba, Muṣannaf, XI, 347 (Kitāb al-Siyar, bāb 71; no. 33539).

72 For example, Yaḥyā al-Laythī, Muwaṭṭaʾ, II, 470 (Kitāb al-Jāmiʿ, no. 17): ittakhadhū qubūr anbiyāʾihim masājid.

73 For a possibly more successful attempt at expelling non-Muslims from a part of the Islamic world, see Fierro Bello, “Muslim land”.

74 Such was already suggested a century ago by Caetani, L., Annali dell'islam, 10 vols (Milan: Ulrico Heopli, 1905–26)Google Scholar, II/i, 507: “In verità, la esclusione dei non musulmani della penisola arabica fu un prodotto del fanatismo religioso del II e III secolo delle Hiǵrah. Il sentimento era ancora prematuro ai tempi di Maometto, quando forse più di quattro quinti degli Arabi ancora non erano musulmani”.

75 See the references above, n. 2; also the recent study of Yarbrough, L., “Upholding God's rule: early Muslim juristic opposition to the state employment of non-Muslims”, ILS 19/1, 2012, 11–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

76 Chronicle of Siʿirt, part 2, fasc. 2, ed. and trans. A. Scher and R. Griveau, Patrologia Orientalis 13, 1919, 601–10.

77 Again the bibliography is too large to cite in full here, but see especially Bashear, “Yemen”, and many articles by Hawting, G.R., including “The Umayyads and the Ḥijāz”, Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 2, 1972, 39–46;Google Scholar “Origins of the Muslim sanctuary”; “The Ḥajj in the second civil war”, in Netton, I.R. (ed.), Golden Roads: Migration, Pilgrimage and Travel in Mediaeval and Modern Islam (Richmond: Curzon, 1993), 31–42Google Scholar. Also now Shoemaker, S.J., The Death of a Prophet: The End of Muhammad's Life and the Beginnings of Islam (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012), esp. 197–265Google Scholar.

78 For example, Schwartz, S., Imperialism and Jewish Society, 200 b.c.e. to 640 c.e. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001)Google Scholar; Lieu, J.M., Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sizgorich, Violence and Belief; Sizgorich, “Monks and their daughters: monasteries as Muslim–Christian boundaries”, in Cormack, M. (ed.), Muslims and Others in Sacred Space (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 193–216.Google Scholar

79 Smith, J.Z., “What a difference a difference makes”, in Neusner, J. and Frerichs, E.S. (eds), “To See Ourselves as Others See Us”: Christians, Jews, “Others” in Late Antiquity (Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1985)Google Scholar, 47.

80 Sivan, H., Palestine in Late Antiquity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 107–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar (quote from 111).

81 Although cf. in part Irshai, O., “Constantine and the Jews: the prohibition against entering Jerusalem – history and hagiography”, Zion 60, 1995, 129–78Google Scholar (Hebrew with English summary at x–xi).

82 Hoyland, R.G., Theophilus of Edessa's Chronicle and the Circulation of Historical Knowledge in Late Antiquity and Early Islam (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 84.

83 Kelly, J.N.D., Jerome: His Life, Writings, and Controversies (London: Duckworth, 1975), 166–7Google Scholar.

84 Novellae no. 37, discussed and translated in Linder, A., The Jews in Roman Imperial Legislation (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1987), 381–9Google Scholar (no. 62); further discussion at 73–4 of the development of legislation concerning synagogues. There is some archaeological evidence for the conversion of synagogues into churches at roughly this time. For example, the synagogue at Jerash in modern Jordan was paved over and converted into a church in 530–31 ce; see Moralee, J., “The stones of St. Theodore: disfiguring the pagan past in Christian Gerasa”, Journal of Early Christian Studies 14/2, 2006, 192.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

85 Mamre: Sozomen, Ecc. Hist., II.4. Marneion: Mark the Deacon (attrib.), Vie de Porphyre, évêque de Gaza, trans. Grégoire, H. and Kuegner, M.-A. (Paris: Société d'Édition «Les Belles Lettres», 1930), §§63–84, 92–4Google Scholar. Serapeum: Haas, C., Alexandria in Late Antiquity: Topography and Social Conflict (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), 159–69Google Scholar, 207. For an interesting discussion of the symbolic uses of pagan temples by Christians at Jerash, based on archaeological and epigraphic evidence, see Moralee, “Stones of St. Theodore”.

86 Codex Theodosianus XVI.10.11, translated by Pharr, C. in The Theodosian Code and Novels and the Sirmondian Constitutions (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1952)Google Scholar; also discussed in Haas, Alexandria, 165–6. Book XVI of the Codex Theodosianus is full of legislation regulating the maintenance and use of, as well as the access to, pagan temples, synagogues and the churches of heretics.

87 Al-Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, I, 2405; Levy-Rubin, M., “Were the Jews prohibited from settling in Jerusalem? On the authenticity of al-Ṭabarī's Jerusalem surrender agreement”, JSAI 36, 2009, 63–81Google Scholar.

88 For example, ʿAbd al-Razzāq, Muṣannaf, VI, 54 (no. 9985); X, 359 (no. 19365); al-Tirmidhī, Jāmiʿ, IV, 134 (Kitāb al-Siyar, bāb 43); Aḥmad, Musnad, I, 29, 32; III, 345; Abū ʿUbayd, Amwāl, 107 (no. 271).

89 For just a few examples, Abū Dāwūd, Sunan, III, 268 (Kitāb al-Kharāj wa-al-imāra wa-al-fayʾ, bāb 22); al-Bukhārī, Jāmiʿ, II, 72 (Kitāb al-Ḥarth wa-al-muzāraʿa, bāb 17); II, 294–5 (Kitāb al-Jizya, bāb 6).

90 Al-Māwardī, al-Ḥāwī al-kabīr, XIV, 336–7.

91 Al-Sarakhsī, Sharḥ, III, 257.