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A new version of the Chinese–Vietnamese vocabulary of the Ming dynasty—II
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 December 2009
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AN-NAN-KUO I-YO: VIETNAMESE VOCABULARY
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- Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies , Volume 38 , Issue 3 , October 1975 , pp. 586 - 608
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- Copyright © School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 1975
References
1 The second gloss lei implies that the Chinese pronunciation of the first gloss was lui (see S. 8), Muở;ng tlởi, D, 45, blởi, Mo. VN trởi, giởi. See BSOAS, XXXVIII, 2, 1975, p. 306, n. 34.Google Scholar
Abbreviations: BD, Brevis declaralio; Ḋ, Dictionarium; G., Gaspardone; S., Shen; Anc, Ancient; Mi., Middle; Mo., Modern; C, Central; N, North; S, South. For list of references, see BSOAS, XXXVIII, 2, 1975, 314–15.Google Scholar
2 See BSOAS, XXXVIII, 2, 1975, 301. 
is in a Karlgren series with /-k/ finals, ác ‘sun’ is all earlier Sino-VN reading for ô ‘crow’, used as Vietnamese in the translation of kim ô 
‘“the golden crow” = the sun’, VN ác váng, reduced to ác in literary usage. The phrase kirn ô (Ch. chin-wu) comes from a poem by Han Yü 
(748–324).Google Scholar
3 u*** = vụ ‘season’ (Sino-VN for VN mùa; D, 486, nôm: 
) is undoubtedly a graphus lapsus, probably through the similarity of wu in ts'ao-sḣu, for t'ang 
(or 
) (S. 11G = Mo. VN tháng ‘month’). This would give us tháng ‘moon’ (=blang, tlang; Mo. VN (trăng;, which is sometimes used for tháng) along the lines described by de Rhodes (BD, 5, quoted in BSOAS, XXXVIII, 2, 1975, p. 306, u. 34). Perhaps this dialectal variation in pronunciation accounts for the different pronunciations for, and apparent separateness of, Mi. VN / Mo. VN ‘moon’ and ‘month’ (Henderson, 1966, 148 ff.).Google Scholar
4 Sino-VN Iôi, cf. S. 44.
5 sa ‘to fall (gently, softly)’; cf. ngã, té, which are harsher falling actions, sa is already in de Rhodes (BD, 6). hsia yü ‘it is raining’ gives VN trởi mwa; cf. G. 11.
6 See S. 1–2, and BSOAS, XXXVIII, 2, 1975, 310. D, 455, mọlblòc măục lên ‘oritur sol’. N.B. S. 12.Google Scholar
7 Lake S, 12, the gloss here, yüeh (Sino-VN nguy***l), is elliptic and presumably stands for t'ang = trăng. (also S. 37–9).
8 Mo. VN kbông is not recorded.
9 Or ‘the weather is fine’.
10 Mo. VN trên trới. D, 809, 899, lên Uên.
11 Read mu, the gloss gives VN mù ‘mist’; suỏng mù ‘mist’, suỏng móc ‘dew’.
12 Or ‘it is night’, cf. G. 19; S. 23. Mo. VN tôi trới means ‘a dark night’. D, 822, tôI blới nebulum caelum’ = D, 156, nhâm/dâm blới ‘obnubilari caelum’; cf. Mo. VN trới dâm ‘cloudy, overcast sky’.
13 D, 638, rạng ngày ‘aurora jam est, melius sáng ngày’. Note D, 676, ‘sáng alij. ráng’. Mo. VN has either trới sáng or rạng ngày, the latter perhaps marginally earlier in the morning.
14 bạch is Sino-VN. Mo. VN trắng = D, 805, tláng. Note Mo. VN tráng bạch ‘white’.
15 Gloss lei is an error for mei.
16 tuan, or tan, = VN đen, is perfectly acceptable though the usual gloss is jen (S. 285). However, note đùn ‘collect, accumulate’, as in mây đùn ‘cirrocumulus’, whence ‘rain clouds’ mây mua.
17 wei is dài ‘be long’, in some contexts (e.g. S. 152), but here it is not a stative verb; ngày dài = ‘the days are long’ (cf. G. 32; G. 341, n. 1). wei transcribing a Vietnamese syllable for ‘to lengthen’ probably stands for bai ‘to extend, stretch out’ (*bai/*vai ?); cf. S. 33. vắn, antonym of dài.
18 Mo. VN ‘half a day’. The i-yü records a now obsolete parallel ‘midday’ (D, 573, ‘meridies’; Mo. VN trua; SVN, Cůa, 81; cf, S. 108), to nůa đêm ‘midnight’; cf. G. 34.
19 yin is a chữ nôm for âm, just as S. 73, piêri (Sino-VN biên) is a chữ nôm for bên. See BSOAS, XXXVIII, 2, 1975, p. 300 and n. 24.Google Scholar
20 D, 40, 812, tlòn = Mo. VN tròn. Note its transcription in S. 669.
21 Or ‘moonlight’. VN.idem.
22 The transcription writes sha 
in error. See S. 41.
23 chia is often read ka in transliterations. The gloss actually says c⋯ mua which represents yü ta better, cf. G. 48, 49.
24 cf. lān mān ‘little, small’. But -n, -t alternate in man mál ‘slightly fresh’ = mát mát, hence the man of S. 48, and perhaps the solution to -n in S. 475, 497. See BSOAS, XXXVIII, 2, 1975, p. 309, n. 37.Google Scholar
25 See BSOAS, XXXVIII, 2, 1975, pp. 301–2 and nn. 29–30.Google Scholar
26 lá ‘leaf’, a numeral adjunct for leaf-like objects, is sometimes, though very rarely, used for stones; see G. 58, n. 2. The usual classifier is h⋯n. Here, however, we have là đá ‘flat stone’, which is in de Rhodes (D, 191, ‘lapis planus’).
27 ni is written chü 
in error. See also S. 75–81. nu&c = nic (D, 499) = nớc (D, 565) are all recorded in 1651. nác is found in Haut Annam (Cadière, 543).
28 Ibid., 514, for Haut Annam forms. See Muờng chiêng; Mo. VN giêng.
29 cháng is a wall built of tree-trunks, usually two to three trunks high, cf. Mo. VN tuờng ‘a wall’. See also S. 306, 322.
30 Sino-VN for the gloss is ao, cf. G. 65, 
: ao. This transcription serves for the Cham entry (Edwards and Blagden, 1939, p. 58, no. 82: unidentified - VN ao). Similarly (Ibid., no. 76) ‘garden’: bo'n, is from VN vuờn, and the Cham vocabulary's word for village (Ibid., no. 78: unidentified) is a composite word, ao bo'n (lit. ‘vivaria and vegetable gardens’), from the VN ao/vuòn.
31 ch'ih transcribes the VN translation of ti ‘low; to lower’ (Sino-VN đe; Mo. VN thâp). As an error for t'e 
, ch'ih permits us to restore thâp, but ch'ih probably represents trẹt/trệt ‘flat (of surfaces, etc.)’, hence low-lying.
32 Lit. ‘near the mountain’; an approximation of the Chinese entry, for which the VN should be truớc núi, see G. 72. D, 258, ‘gån alij. ghên’.
33 See S. 84, *tlâu/*klâu. Note chữ nôm 
sâu; cf. nôm 
nuớc, and see Maspero, 79 ff.
34 Mo. VN cạn = ‘shallow; dry’; cf. khan, S. 198. G. 81, nuớc lặn, is better than its equivalent in Shen, S. 80, cạn ‘to dry (almost completely)’. One expects nuớc r⋯ng or nuớc rủt for the ebbing of flood waters (S. 81), although giãn ‘to diminish’ is a possible interpretation of the gloss.
35 See n. 34, above.
36 Mi. VN, Mo. VN bớ sông.
37 See n. 34, above.
38 Mi. VN, D, 696, soữ cái = Mo. VN sông Cái, the name of the Red River, from its basic meaning of a main river into which other rivers run. (D, 697, so con); of. S. 87.
39 Seen. 26, above.
40 A filled and banked-up (đđp), metalled road. See S. 57,88.
41 she ‘distant’ is another example of a gloss that carries the same meaning as the entry it transcribes. See S. 78, 419.
42 Mi. VN = Mo. VN trái. See BSOAS, XXXVIII, 2, 1976, 305–6.Google Scholar
43 Sino-VN. A Vietnamese says rét nóng.
44 No gloss; cf. G. 134.
45 thuả, thuớ, found in various pronunciations in Mi. VN (D, 374), is perhaps of Tai origin. Note Mo. VN thi, thi, cf. G. 102, giờ; and S. 109, xua, which is a parallel form.
46 ? lṀng ngày: lit. ‘the middle part of the day’. of. S. 83.
47 cf. S. 22, 97.
48 Mo. VN ngày nay ‘today; nowadays’; nay or hôm nay ‘today (this day)’.
49 An otherwise unknown form, Mo. VN ngày kia, it may be related to cåo ‘the earliest rays of the sun’. ngày sau (G. 138) actually means ‘the next day; tomorrow’. See also S. 120.
50 Mo. VN hôm qua; today, ngày xua means ‘formerly’.
51 ming 
in Shen is undoubtedly an error for ko, 
: qua, but ngày qua and S. 117, tháng qua (of. G. 140, 142; truớc), are not recorded by later lexicographers.
52 A now obsolete form paralleling S. 112; Mo. VN is sang năm.
53 ch’ü nien, and a Southern variant chiu nien (see S. 122), both mean ‘last yea’; Mo. VN năm ngo⋯i (D, 531); cf. G. 146, năm đi. However, năm mới, meaning the year one is in but whose beginning, marked by Têt (Lunar New Year), is past, whence the ‘past year’ is the. probable explanation for S. 121.
54 ko may give năm cô (G. 147), nam cựu ‘old, familiar, years’, or even năm câu ‘completed years’ 
(? câu 
‘old’).
55 S. 123–34, are lunar months; the Vietnamese in the transcriptions to them could also mean: two months, three months, etc. S. 123, tháng giêng (Mo. VN), is from an Ano. VN *chiêng,=Sino-VN chinh (nguyệt).
56 Mo. VN usually tháng tu; similarly S. 133 is tháng một; S. 134 is tháng chạp (D, 99).
57 The text writes pao 
for se, consistently.
58 Mo. VN rằm, ngày rằm. The transcription mieh and Gaspardone's (G. 160, n. 2) correction are unsatis factory. More probable is yeh 
(Sino-VN dã, gi***), and the known but broad sense of tháng (= *t'ang, = trăng) ‘moon’, giving tháng (= trăng) gi⋯ = trăng rằm, ‘fall moon’, = ngày rằm.
59 D, 745, mat tháng; Mo. VN cuôi tháng.
60 In S. 137–48, the Vietnamese of the glosses could mean one day, two days, etc. Perhaps the use of th1EDB; as a designator of ordinal numbers was not yet common.
61 dōi ‘to follow closely on’. See Mo. VN tôi ngày ‘the whole day (and night)’ which is already found in. Mi. VN (D, 822), and compare tói ‘a string’, and other cognate link -string words (e.g. đội, dụi, đ⋯i), all of which can widen the choice; see G. 174–5, and n. 4.
62 S. 155–9 are the five watches of the night, each comprised of two hours, the firat beginning at about 7 p.m., the fifth ending at about 5 a.m. Each was noted by a drum stroke to indicate the number of the watch (see D, 814, tloũ), Mo. VN trông canh. Cosmologically based on the’ Five Elements (ngũ hành 
), which each equalled two consecutive can of the Ten Thiên Can (Ten Stems), each canh in turn represented one of the ngŨ hành. The use of the canh is still found in rural South Việt-nam.
63 S. 160–9 are the Thập (or: Thiên) Can; S. 170–81 the Thập-nh*** (or Đ***a) Chi. A horal system based on the latter was recorded in de Rhodes.
64 See BSOAS, xxxviii, 2,1975, p. 306, n. 36.
65 Sino-VN. Anc.VN*uây ? Mo.VN mũi.
66 tsu (Sino-VN túc) = tuâl, has as its representative animal the dog (VN chó), for which the gloss tsu may stand. See S. 244.
67 Mo. cây. Note S. 209.
68 See BSOAS, XXXVIII, 2, 1975, 305–6: blái. Gaspardone's detailed comments on the plants in this section deserve close attention.Google Scholar
69 Lit. ‘white sandalwood’. D, 198; G. 210.
70 Mo. VN is the Sino-VN mộc hu⋯ng ‘aristoloche; Inula’.
71 Aquillaria agallocha, D, 343, trâm hu⋯ng; Edwards and Blagden, 1930, p. 724, no. 129. Gaspardone, G. 212, p. 371, n. 5, cf. Ibid., n. 4, gives a lengthy descriptive quotation from Pierre Poivre, noting tlam (cf. BSOAS, xxxviii, 2,1975, 305–6). Chi Han, oh. 2/8, and plate 33, is a useful supplement, trâm hu⋯ng comes from the sap (ch'en shui 
) tapped from the trunk of the tree above ground level; the tree is also known as the mi-hsiang shu 
; mi-hsiang is an alternative name for ch'en hsiang and the original name for mu-hsiang (S. 188).
72 cf. G. 213, n. 1. Mo. VN nhang is incense ready for burning. Note that đôt ‘to burn’, used figuratively extends the meaning to đôc ‘to excite, inflame (the passions)’.
73 yu = VN dâu; ‘oil’, or perhaps Sino-VN nhũ ‘milk’, Mo. VN sũa (S. 478). See G. 214, n. 2.
74 D, 548, bhái nhãn, is long nhãn, Euphoria longana for Gaspardone, G. 215. It is a variety with large fruits. Chi Han, ch. 3/12, and plate 52.
75 Nephelium litchi. D, 65, blái bai; Chi Han, ch. 3/11, and plate 46.
76 The Vietnamese says ‘tlâu cau: areca nut and betel leaf’ (Chi Han, ch. 3/11, and plate 45). Mo. VN trâu, gidu; cau. Cau ‘areca’, is also known as Sino-VN tân lang, bἰnh-lang. The betel leaf is recorded by de Rhodes (D, 41, blàu). The transcription character lou is a variety of artemisia, e.g. lou hao 
, Artemisia vulgaris; cf. S. 392.
77 D 162, blái d***.
78 The text writes kang 
for wang.
79 The VN gloss (*han) khan qừng, lit. ‘dry ginger’, is a mistake. Fresh ginger is sinh khuơng. See D, 10, gờng, and G. 221 and n. 9.
80 D, 343; see G. 212, 222, and notes.
81 See G. 226, n. 2. u***i xen mἰnh is cotton stuff for inserting into the body of something else; also it is conceivable that Ch. ming represents mêm ‘coverlet’. Taking the entry as ‘cotton’, rather than ‘wadding’, it is possible that we have a Vietnamese double entente, v***i xên m***n, which contrarily means ‘highly refined cotton (cloth)’.
82 The text writes kai 
in error; cf. G. 224, n. 12. chè is noted because Ch. che is the transcription for it (S. 538). hài nhi chè is a tea-like infusion made with a fragrant type of chrysanthemum, the hài nhi cúc 
, and used during pregnancy. Note the pun on cúc ‘chrysanthemum’ and cúc ‘to raise and care for’. So, one might perhaps restore *chūa ‘pregnant’, or *chữa ‘to cure’ (see BSOAS, XXXVIII, 2, 1975, 313) as names for the tea.Google Scholar
83 chẹn ‘an ear of corn, etc.’, which includes straw for mat-making, is an approximation of the Chinese entry. ‘Mat’ in Mo. VN is chiêu; S. 358.
84 A gum derived from the Liquidambar orientalis, it is also associated with sapan-wood; see G. 225, n. 1; and Chi Han, ch. 28, and plate 36.
85 See, especially, G. 227, n. 3. The ‘jujube’ (vulgarly, a ‘date’; Zizyphum vulgaris: D, 724), Sino-VN t***o, VN táo, is transcribed lạ tao. Lai = ? tlái.. cf. pai = blái (e.g. S. 208), and BSOAS, XXXVIII, 2, 1975, 305.Google Scholar
86 Citrus nobilis; Chi Han, ch. 3/12, and plate 50; cf. G. 228, n. 4.
87 Arenga saccharifera, also known as t'ieh-mu 
‘iron-wood’, Mesua ferrea (VN gỗ lim;D, 416), it is identified as Caryota ochlaudra by Edwards and Blagden, 1930, p. 726, no. 155. See Chi Han, oh. 2/8, and pi. 34; G. 229, n. 5. The entry confuses pin-lang and kuang-lang, writing kuang-pin-lang, an under standable error since the wood of the kuang-lang looks like that of the pin-lang (Areca catechu). It is also written 
and identified with Sargus Rumphil, a wood used extensively for house-building purposes in Siam during the Ming (Kung Chen, 13).
88 The mận plum (Prunus triflora Eoxb.) is yellow or purple; the mai (S. 213) (Prunus microcarpa Zieb. and Zaec.) is green. Note the m00F4;n and m*** ‘apricot’, which belong to the same family, and are frequently confused with the others, mận is also a Mo. CVN and Mo. SVN word for Mo. NVN roi ‘rose-apple’ (Eugenia Jambos).
89 See n. 88, above.
90 See Chi Han, ch. ¼, and plate 20, for the various types; cf. G. 200, n. 1.
90 See Chi Han, ch. 1/4, and plate 20, for the various types; cf. G. 200, n. 1.
91 Lit.’husked rice’; cooked rice is c⋯m (S. 538).
92 Sino-VN. Mi.VN (D, 436) lụu, cây thệu lụu Malus’ punica’. The pronunciation /iu/ for Mo. NVN-uu (also for -iêu; Mo. NVN sometimes substitutes /-iêu/ for /-UO-U/) is not uncommon. The distinction is then one of length.
93 SeeG. 231, n. 7.
94 See G. 235 and n. 9.
95 Or lạt. Mo. VN héo, phai. Note trớt’ to die; come down (in a slipping manner)’. The gloss is written as though it were an entry.
96 c***i hoa ‘to insert flowers (usually into material)’.
97 The b*** is used to weave a garment worn by women; cf. G. 206, and the wide variety of reeds, like the lác.
98 ci ‘tuber’ is the classifier for tubers; see S. 236.
99 Lit. ‘the fragrant grass’ (q.v. G. 241, n. 3), hsiang-ts'ao is a general term for perfumed, orchid-like plants, especially the one noted here.
100 Gloss lu could be lô, thus: ců lô bô. A bô bô is a type of rush with edible tuber-like roots (e.g. Acorus gramineut).
101 The gloss actually writes 
nôm khệnh. If one reads it kung (G. 243, n. 5), it reminds one of S. 198, gừng ‘ginger’ the main link being that both plants have similar tubers (also the nghệ ‘saffron’). Điệm, 210, notes hô ( = bô) ma ‘sesame’ from the late fifteenth century; cf. D, 876,. lôvùeng; D, 462, mè; Mo. VN cây vùeng, cây mè.
102 Many of the entries in this section are Sino-VN, e.g. S. 239, Mo. VN con cọp, con hùm, ông ha muơri; S. 264, Mo. VN beo.
103 voi ‘elephant’ is omitted, and we are left with sex indicators; cf. G. 246.
104 Sino-VN and Mo. VN forms respectively.
105 bò is ‘ox’; tru is the CVN form of trâu ‘buffalo’ (Maspero, 76–7). D, 807, con tláu.
106 The VN answer is ‘a goat’. Sheep in VN are Sino-VN cùu, trùu.
107 Sino-VN miêu.
108 Mo. VN cáp; chim bô cáu.
109 oMo.VN sâu bọ.
110 Anc. VN *vân; vḁn; vuợn ( = Mo. VN). Lit. ‘a gibbon’. ‘Monkey’ is Mo. VN khi.
111 Reduplicated in speech, it is Mo. VN buợm buợm. The form pᾰm-pam is found in the Nghệ-an, CVN, Montagnard language Hung (Maspero, 37, MuỘfrng dialect). D, 57, buâm bỘâm; also D, 60, bâở;m, ‘vide buâm’.
112 See G. 274, n. 7. chung 
, whence possibly chùm ‘bunch’, as in chùm t⋯c ‘forelock; tuft of hair’. S. 268, shen, suggests a less acceptable rᾴm ‘thick, dense, tufted (of hair, etc.)’. Mo. VN bởm = ‘a mane’.
113 Shen's gloss gives Sino-VN vῖ, but slightly altered, as in 6. 275, tui 
it gives Mo. VN duôi.
114 Sino-VN. Mo. VN has móng ‘claws, nails’; vuôt, vuùt ‘talons’.
115 Sino-VN kỳ-lân; lân by itself is found in the fifteenth century, for instance in the thứ bỘn giời nho sī rang, one of ten nôm poems by Lê Thánh-tông 
(reg. 1460–97). See Điém, p. 291, n. 74.
116 cf. G. 283, n. 1. Mo. VN con cáo, chôn.
117 There is a wide range of animal calls in both Chinese and Vietnamese (cf. Gaspardone, p. 376, nn. 2,9,10). Shen's coverage is not very good.
118 da is a respectful term for father, teng (= Anc. VN *tâng, see Cadière, 543 if., on Haut Annam /â/for /***ợ/), is Sino-VN t***ợrng, Mo. VN voi.
119 Sino-VN, lit. ‘the elephant's nose’. Mo. VN vòi. The Sino-VN for the gloss hsiang 
(tuỘg) approximates the Sino-VN for hsiang 
t***ợ-ng.
120 ngà ‘tusk’ ( = nanh), also means ivory, nha 
, Mo. VN rᾰng are ‘teeth’, sứeng ‘horn’.
121 kợ, the Sino-VN for 
which is the male unicorn, lân being the female (S. 273), is used for male horses (and, so it would seem, for human males, see S. 394) of exceptional quality.
122 Mo. VN ngứa cêu; also ngựa toỏ; ngựa con.
123 Cua, ii, 108a; cf. G. 292, n. 7.
124 The Chinese entry means both ‘wild swan’ and ‘crane’. Between them, Yang (G. 303) and Shen cover both meanings in the glosses; cf. S. 250.
125 Mo. VN cá gáy, cỷ chép.
126 Or cá bạc. See G. 305, n. 3.
127 D, 679, cứa saō is a compound of cứa and song ‘window’.
128 Sino-VN. Mo. VN also has vách (cf. S. 61). D, 65, records ***âch, ***êch.
129 Lit. ‘frame’. See G. 313, n. 6.
130 tòa is an edifice, non-denominational, often official, and is also the classifier for religious buildings. The Buddhist temple is a chòa; the Taoist a. dên; cf. Sino-VN tự 
.
131 cf. G. 309, 317; and note D, 631, and BSOAS, xxxviii, 2, 1975, 307.Google Scholar
132 Mo. VN phòng khách. See S. 302. ch'un could stand for son in khách sạn ‘hotel’, but t'ing is also read sink in Sino-VN. Note G. 319, xủ1EDF;ng bạn (a cognate ?). k ‘o = khựa, see S. 417; 388.
133 Mo. VN nhá bêp).
134 Sino-VN; there is a variant riêm, as in the brim of a straw hat. Mo. VN mái hián ‘veranda; porch-roof; eaves’. mái is the roof. Tiles are ng⋯i.
135 See n. 134, above.
136 cf. G. 325, n. 1; Sino-VN thựo-ng, kho; and also chánh ‘a depot; warehouse’ and truởrng. Note also S. 312, n. 128.
137 Mo. VN chuông ngựa; cf. ràn.bò ‘byre’.
138 Sino-VN. Mo. VN is tùp lêu, etc, phô is usually understood as an apartment in a tiled, city dwelling.
139 cf. S. 306; Của, I, 250b, notes dủng vàch (see n. 128, above, and S. 61)‘to build the wall of a house’. Anc. VN dùng chàng ? for S. 322.
140 Mi. VN, Mo. VN trông ‘a drum’. Công is a small gong.
141 Lit. ‘a large table’, as opposed to kỷ 
‘a small table’. bàn was also read blan in 1651 (D, 39).
142 Sino-VN. Mo. VN ghê could be restored if the gloss were chi 
. See G. 339.
143 Sino-VN sàng, but here we have a form chàng, reminiscent of Haut Annam châng: giâng (Cadière, 544).The alternation of initial ch-, gi-, tr- still obtained to some degree in Mi. VN. See D, 562, under nỏ‘ballista’.
144 Mo. VN bát. Note Cham čavon, lit. ‘tea-bowl’. Aymonier, 128b; of. BSOAS, xxxviii, 2, 1975, p. 309, n. 37.Google Scholar
145 Lit. ‘a plaque, a counter’, Sino-VN, thi; Mo. VN (miī) tên, is defined as a thǫ with a sharp point.
146 Gloss yo here stands for ông; cf. S. 353. Mo. VN ch⋯a (th⋯a)khó.
147 Gloss yu suggests that the r- of rìu was Anc. VN /d/or/nh/. If the gloss is read pu 
as in G. 368. búa, it is a ‘hammer’.
148 Mo. VN áo tỏi is ‘a rain-cape of latania leaves’; tỏ1ri thus means ‘ragged’ as in W tá tỏi, hence our entry.
149 Mo. VN nón lá; cf. G. 370.
150 No gloss. Sino-VN tiên ‘a whip.’ is Mo. VN roi.
151 Sino-VN, like many of the following entries. Mo. VN dây ứơng; see also buộc ‘ ties’, dàm. See S. 375, yên ngụạa.
152 Mo.VN chở.
153 Mo.VN chén.
154 Mo. VN khung cựi, máy dệt.
155 Lit. ‘to blow a trumpet’ (loc). On the p’o-lo, a large battle trumpet made of a conch shell, and the other wind instruments listed, see G. 381–4, and notes.
156 Mo. VN tõng binh.
157 The usual term is thông-sự, but common Vietnamese usage is to place the polite reference ông before a title, whence S. 384. See also S. 382, 388.
158 Nowadays one says anh em.
159 k‘o, Sino-VN khách, may be read khúa (?) ‘guest, client’. See also S. 312, 417.
160 chú and thím are also used to refer to Chinese, thãm is either one's father's younger brother's wife, or one's younger brother's wife.
161 Mo. VN Vợ CHông; D, 70, 98.
162 Mo.VN cháu; cf. S. 281.
163 con ‘servant’, from con ‘child’, is current Vietnamese; cf. S. 387, and distinguish con cá ( = gái) ‘boys and girls’. Also S. 403, 404.
164 Lit.‘a man whose labour is rented’, Mo. VN nguởi (làm) thuê. A poor man is nguởi nghèo.
165 The gloss is incomplete. Sino-VN phạm nhân ‘a criminal’.
166 thùa ‘to help, assist (others)’, so this and the next (S. 419) are descriptive. One usually says ộng su, ngởi sãi, and dạo sī respectively.
167 Perhaps shih (*thựa?) = thợ, or sī.
168 The VN has translated the Chinese closely, ‘the long individual’,‘a giant’.
169 Mo. VN diêc. The gloss is Sino-VN, but yung indicates a probable l: nh- alternation.
170 tù is the Sino-VN for both entry and transcription.
171 Lit. ‘to lie down’; ‘to sleep’ is ngů.
172 dào ‘abundant’; Mo. VN says nhiéu for ‘many, much’.
173 The Sino-VN for 
is hãn. nộ 
can mean ‘passion’, whence ham, or ‘anger’, whence gi***n; cf. S. 483.
174 The VN is ‘to enter; to go back’.
175 bại ‘paralytic’, as in bịnh bại liệt ‘paralysis’. Mo. VN say ‘to be drunk’; cf. G. 469, n. 3.
176 chinh is Sino-VN. See VN synonyms dằp, xép.
177 Mo. VN chia.
178 Are these imperatives?
179 See BSOAS, xxxviii, 2, 1975, p. 309, II. 37. Note the Cham mơṅỡ laṁṅơ, ‘bouche’, Aymonier, 368b.
180 Sino-VN for 
‘throat’; cf. thanh quạn ‘larynx’, Mo. VN hâu; họng ‘throat’.
181 Sino-VN hung ‘chest’ is Mo. VN úc, ng***c. However, in Ano. VN hsiung could represent /ṣ/: /th/, whence thung ? = thân ‘body’.
182 hei, representing Sino-VN huyèt ‘blood’, is here, as in S. 496, an error for mo 8, 
giving us Sino-VN mạch ‘vein; pulse’.
183 cf. G. 509, 510.
184 Mo. VN gáy, ót. Like the following entry S. 485 (cf. G. 512), many of these are Sino-VN.
185 Sino-VN th*** chi; Mo. VN ngón tay (or chân ‘toes’). ngân chi tay is the index finger, chi tay are the lines on the palm.
186 The VN gives a partial answer; Sino-VN thüi đ***; Mo.VN b***p chân.
187 Mo. VN sói đđu ‘bald’; đđu trđn is ‘bare-headed’.
188 Note chập chởn ‘to doze, sleep’. Mo. VN fox the entry is nhdm m***t.
189 A hybrid. Sino-VN nhãn đào; Mo.VN nháy mát.
190 Mo. VN rộng luợng. The word in Shen means ‘pure-hearted’.
191 Lit. ‘to flatten the hands’; Mo. VN khoanch tay, ‘to fold the arms’.
192 Was this Ano. VN bẽ tay?
193 Unknown. Mo. VN nít lung, etc.
194 Or áo giáp ‘armour’.
195 
is written in error for 
.
196 cf. lọng ‘parasol’, and S. 350, 363.
197 Sino-VN miệt is Mo. VN bit tât.
198 tuơng is a thick soy sauce.
199 đàng = đuởng is ‘sugar’, while mật is honey.
200 Both glosses are Sino-VN. VN tanh also means ‘raw meat’, see S. 555; giāo is Mo. VN cán, see S. 577.
201 cāo means dried of leaves, spices, etc.; cf. G. 593. The Vietnamese for pepper is hô tiêu. S. 550 should read cay hoa.
202 The gloss to this entry is confusing. Is it chua cơm ‘the not yet rice meal’ (note chùa ‘to abstain from’), or are the glosses faulty ?
203 Lit. ‘the huge meal’.
204 Lit. ‘bare, naked, meat’. Mo. VN thịt; sòng; cf. S. 547.
205 In Mo. VN it is usually thái ‘to butcher meat’, but note dãnh, a quarter of an animal, especially a pig, and tán ‘to grind’.
206 The usual word for ‘to chew’ is nhai (see G. 588). xơi is a general word for ‘to eat’, but note its cognates xởi ‘to sift’, xởi ' to untangle’. Similarly, S. 578. gin is more correctly ngâim.
207 The gloss is Sino-VN ‘surplus’; Mo. VN thùa.
208 ‘iron’ is Mo. VN sắt, but instead we have các 
‘chromium’.
209 tích is Sino-VN for thiêc, as dié (duyên) is for chi. Gloss yen is repeated as though it were an entry following S. 582.
210 This gloss is Chinese! So, too, could be the transcriptions to S. 461, kéo, and S. 578, gìn.
211 A partial translation. The Sino-VN is th***y linh.
212 D, 191. đá lạ ‘gemmae’.
213 This entry, and S. 594, are elliptic.
214 See n. 213, above.
215 See also S. 600. Sino-VN thủy ngân ‘mercury, quicksilver’. Shen's gloss is faulty.
216 For these and following entries, one is referred to de Rhodes, articles dúc, uàng, etc.: D; 240,859,897; S. 602. Mo. VN mạ vàng; cf. xen vàng ‘to inlay something by insertion’. S. 603, lôi vàng, cf. rút. S. 605, chú is Sino-VN.
217 Shen writes chin 
instead of ch'ih.
218 Gloss ti 
is written in error for yu.
219 cf. G. 652. The VN word is a description of the type of signature: Sino-VN hoa áp.
220 Note xanh bièc ‘azure’, and xanh trởi. bác, bởc, bà all mean north, northern sky.
221 The gloss is for 1000. vạn, muôn are Mo. VN for 10,000.
222 Sino-VN for truởc.
223 Sino-VN dị.dịch.
224 See also thua, and sài, a bound form in sơ sài ‘simple’.
225 Sino-VN mật. The entry should probably be 
‘dense, fine, of fabric’, as this is mau (dày) in VN. The Sino-VN of both characters is the same.
226 Shen's entry 
is an error for chien 
.
227 The entry is glossed by so, Mo. VN sa, which is either the minuteness of grains of sand, or sa 
, a fine silk, or its thread.
228 Lit. ‘long’; see G. 713, n. 6.
229 Perhaps the gloss is an error and should be 
mao, giving VN mau ‘fast, quick’.