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Iranian Miṡṡa, Indian Bija
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 December 2009
Extract
It was recently possible to establish that the Middle Iranian mäṡṡa-, miṡṡa-, later miṡa-, mūṡa- (with adjectival mūṡlja)2 used in Khotanese texts meant ‘field for seed’. The Khotanese word ttumāṡa- attested in the plural ttumāṡa in the Sanghāta-sūtra 16 b 4 corresponded to Tib. Hit ‘field, kṡetra’. The first syllable ttu- was earlier3 explained from the base tauk- by comparison with Mid. Pers., Zor. Pahlavī tōxm, Armen. loan-word tohm, NPers. tuxm. We could then take the word as *tauxma-m- > ttum-. But since Khotanese ttíman- ‘seed’ seems to derive from *tüman- from *tuγman-, we might prefer to trace ttu- to an older *tava- or *tuva- and see in it the base tav- without the enlargement by -k- in OInd. tok-: tuk-.
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- Articles
- Information
- Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies , Volume 18 , Issue 1 , February 1956 , pp. 32 - 42
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- Copyright © School of Oriental and African Studies 1956
References
page 32 note 1 BSOAS, XV, 538–9.
page 32 note 2 mū has the -u- from -i. or -ä- after the labial m-. The transcription with the macron indicates a particular shape of akṫara, but in later Khotanese cursive script may mean no ṁore than a variety of the akṫara mu.
page 32 note 3 BSOAS, XV, 538.
page 32 note 4 tgl- ‘arrow’, later NPers. tīr, with āha- ‘throw, shot’ from ah- ‘throw’ in Avestan, and Khotanese, OInd. ásyati. This rather than the verb ās- ‘come’ offered by H. S. Nyberg, Øst og Vest, 66.
page 32 note 5 ed. H. S. Nyberg, Øst og Vest, 66.
page 32 note 6 Jamasp-Asana, Pahlavi Texts, p. 69, §§ 123–5, and 70, § 138; edited in transcription and with translation by H. S. Nyberg, Texte zum mazdayasnischen Kalender, 48–51.
page 33 note 1 ywy *yōy ‘channel, stream’ with HPL- ‘dig’, kandan. Related words were quoted in Trans. Philol. Soc., 1954, 139: OPers. yauviya-, NPers. Rigvedic Nyberg gave yavē ‘Korn’. Usually we have ywrt'k *yav-artāk, Turfan Mid. Pers. yw'rd'w. The yav- seems to occur in BSOS, VI, 583, družz-ē ī vat-yavakān xvānīhēt ‘demon called producer of bad crops’.
page 34 note 1 Jamasp-Asana, Pahlavi Texts, 155.2.
page 34 note 2 Different from the Portuguese mesa ‘table’ which later became familiar to Asia, see the forms quoted in S. Rodolfo Dalgado, Influência do vocabulário português em linguas asiáticas, 109.
page 34 note 3 Sten Konow, Saka Studies, 70 (the Tibetan corresponds cd + ab).
page 35 note 1 Thomas, F.W., Ada Orientalia, XII, 38;Google ScholarBurrow, T., Language of the Kharosthī documents, 111; BSOAS, XV, 538–9.Google Scholar
page 35 note 2 The Iranian and Armenian -ak was represented in Georgian loan-words by -ak'-, -ag-i, and -a; thus ešmak'-i, ešma ‘demon’ corresponds to Mid. Parth. ‘šmg *ešmag, cited in Boyce, M., BSOAS, XIII, 912.Google Scholar The form in -ag- is known in Georg. šmag-i ‘mad’, ušmago ‘sane’, see Deeters, G., Caucasica, III, 81.Google Scholar
page 35 note 3 Deeters, G., Caucasica, IV, 3–4.Google Scholar
page 35 note 4 Sieg, E., Übersetzungen aus dem Tocharischen, I, 10.Google Scholar
page 35 note 5 Thomas, F.W., Tibetan Literary Texts, II, 342.Google Scholar
page 35 note 6 JAOS, LXXV, 33. P. Poucha, Institutiones linguae tocharicae, 377, 397.
page 36 note 1 BSOAS, XV, 539.
page 36 note 2 The -š- not -šx- in Armen. mšak indicated the 
not K.
page 36 note 3 The 
var. 
is likely to refer to the chanting of the enthusiastic Kavi during the celebration of his cult. I propose to see in this word the verbal base ang- ‘tell, celebrate, sing, make poems’ which occurs elsewhere in OInd. ángiras-, originally the ‘singer’, and the ‘announcer’ in Greek â¼¼єλos (as we have OInd. kār- ‘ singer ‘, and Greek Kâpuξ ‘ herald ‘). It was in this ąnman- that the traditional learning knew Ahura Mazdā (Yasna 45.10, 
mazdȧ srāvī ahurō). On this more must be offered later. From the same ang- came Rigvedic āngūṫā- ‘ song ‘, see Trans. Phil. Soc., 1955, 78.
page 37 note 1 This Truth, әrәta-, arәta-, aša-, has become Zoroaster's new interpretation of the ancient doctrine that the potent fitting of facts by recognition of ‘truth’ was a cosmic force.
page 37 note 2 J. Bloch, BSOS, VIII, 414.
page 37 note 3 Avesta, 78. This same plej is given also for Yasna 48.5 fšuyō.
page 37 note 4 ‘Note sur l'agriculture dans l'Avesta’, Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, LIX, 1909, 333–7.Google Scholar
page 37 note 5 ‘The Indo-European root meik-: meiĝ- and Avestan 
’, Language, IV, 178–80.
page 37 note 6 Die Zoroastrische Religion, 3: ‘begehren’.
page 37 note 7 F. C. Andreas in Gāthā's des Zarathustra, übersetzt und erklärt von H. Lommel, 85 ‘strebten’.
page 38 note 1 JBAS, 1952, 177.
page 38 note 2 dāng is explained in the Frahang ī Pahlavīk by mĞvak ‘fruit’.
page 38 note 3 Zand ī xvartak apastāk, Māh nigāyišn, ed. Dhabhar, p. 30, 6.
page 39 note 1 For mȧnhəm tāpayeiti note the remarks of V. Pisani, Rivista degli Studi Orientali, xv, 362.2
page 39 note 2 Zum Altiranischen Wōrterbuch, 207.
page 39 note 3 H. Hübschmann, Armen. Gram., 194, had thought of this possible connexion.
page 39 note 4 Die Yäšt's, 43, 46.
page 39 note 5 A similar list also in Gr. Bund., 89–90, gives 17 liquids.
page 39 note 6 So in the Altiranisches Wōrterbuch.
page 39 note 7 Bartholomae, Zum Altiran. Wōrterbuch, 207. Andreas-Henning, Mitteliran. Manichaica, II.
page 40 note 1 Some cases were quoted (in an article rather remote) in the Silver Jubilee Volume of the Zinbunkagaku-kenkyusyo, Kyoto, 1954, 5–7, particularly loan-words. The same alternation lies behind the comparison of NPers. bādrīsah and Rigvedic mātaríśvan-, W. B. Henning, JRAS, 1946, 13.
page 40 note 2 Jīvaka-pustaka 81 r 2 in Khotanese Texts, I, 165, 30 (where the word was misread; corrected in Khotanese Texts, II, 134).
page 40 note 3 So in the Siddhasāra 102 v 5. The word was wrongly rendered in E by ‘Galle’.
page 40 note 4 So Siddhasāra 18 r 2; 122 v 4.
page 40 note 5 Khotanese Texts, 1, 165.
page 40 note 6 Siddhasāra 9 v 2; 131 r 1; beśi 20 v 5.
page 40 note 7 Siddhasāra 131 r 1; P 2893.230.
page 41 note 1 Walde-Pokorny, Vergleichendes Worterbuch, II, 245, quoting Lidén, E., Studien zur altind. und vergl. Sprachgeschichte, 1897, 41.Google Scholar Vigfússon and Cleasby's Dictionary quotes mysa from Króka Refs saga.
page 41 note 2 J. Pokorny, Indog. etym. Wórterbuch, 722.
page 41 note 3 None in the Petersburg Lexicon (O. Bóhtlingk and R. Roth, Sanshrit-Wórterbuch); Monier-Williams's Dictionary (‘of doubtful origin’); Lanman's Sanskrit reader; omitted in Walde-Pokorny. Uhlenbeck's Etymological Dictionary gives no connexion outside Indo-Iranian.
page 41 note 4 
is not in Steingass's Persian Dictionary nor in Vullers’ Lexicon. Both are also given by W. Geiger, Etymologie des Balᥫčī, 12.
page 41 note 5 La langue marathe, 376.
page 41 note 6 J. Filliozat, Fragments de textes koutchéens, 113.
page 41 note 7 T. Burrow, Trans. Phil. Soc., 1946, 10, 22.
page 42 note 1 Ossetic zar-, see Bailey, H.W., ‘Indo-Iranian studies, III’, Trans. Phil. Soc.1, 1955, 55 ff.Google Scholar
page 42 note 2 Walde-Pokorny, II, 687.
page 42 note 3 Like the *nira- in Mid. Pers. panīr ‘cheese’, discussed in the S. K. Chatterjee volume, 1956.
page 42 note 4 W. B. Henning, Manich. Bet- und Beichtbuch, 129.