Comparative studies of election rules and legislative representation have focused intensively on vote–seat disproportionality as an indication of poor representation. Beginning with citizens' preferences, rather than votes, has important advantages and is especially more appropriate for a majoritarian vision of democracy. We analyse the effect of election rules on both vote–seat correspondence and median left–right correspondence in seventy elections in seventeen countries. We show theoretically the stringent conditions necessary to reduce vote–seat disproportionality in high threshold systems and empirically their high variance (and higher levels) of distortion. Although good median correspondence could be created, in theory, under a wide range of electoral systems, our empirical results suggest that proportional representation (PR) systems tend to outperform single-member district (SMD) systems by this criterion also.

Some political theorists argue that patriotism differs from nationalism in being compatible with universalist liberalism. The theories offered range from the more cosmopolitan constitutional patriotism of Habermas to more rooted republican versions. Despite their rhetorical effectiveness in certain political situations, none of these variants stands up well to critical analysis, and none succeeds in delivering the promised reconciliation of universal humanitarian principles with limited and particularistic commitments.

This article explains the positions taken by national political parties on the issue of European integration over the period 1984–96. Based on the theory of party systems developed by Lipset and Rokkan, we develop a cleavage account of party response to new political issues. We hypothesize that European integration is assimilated into pre-existing ideologies of party leaders, activists and constituencies that reflect long-standing commitments on fundamental domestic issues.

Dunleavy's bureau-shaping model has breathed new life into existing debates about the behaviour of senior bureaucrats. This article assesses the utility of this model as an explanation of the development of Next Step agencies in the last decade in Britain, using data drawn from a series of extensive interviews with senior civil servants. Our conclusion is that, although the bureau-shaping model represents a significant advance on previous models of bureaucratic behaviour that stress budget maximization, it is flawed. In particular, we argue that: it pays insufficient attention to the broader political context within which civil servants operate; mis-specifies bureaucrats' preferences; and oversimplifies the distinction between managerial and policy advice work. More specifically, we suggest that any explanation of the development of Next Steps agencies needs to recognize that: politicians rather that civil servants played the major role in their creation; the strategic calculations of bureaucrats were significantly more sophisticated than the model assumes; and the consequence of the reforms has been that senior civil servants have played a greater, rather than a more limited, management role.

Adopted in 1913, the 17th Amendment to the US Constitution requires that members of the US Senate be elected by citizens of their respective states. This article is concerned with understanding what factors have influenced Senate election outcomes and how their effects have changed over time. I focus on three independent variables, state partisan composition, incumbency, and national partisan tides, and then develop a model of Senate election outcomes that allows their effects to change from election year to election year. The results reveal substantial variability and lead to a new and detailed understanding of Senate elections in the United States. The significance of the findings is further demonstrated by showing how the effects of the independent variables have affected actual election outcomes.

‘If citizenship is invoked in the defence of rights, the corresponding duties of citizenship cannot be ignored.' T. H. Marshall, `Citizenship and Social Class’, 1949

Hall's interesting article contains the bold, but undeveloped, argument that ‘social capital has been sustained in Britain largely by virtue of the increasing participation of women in the community’. Hall's statement draws attention to the curious silence within the social capital debate about gender dynamics. Hall modestly notes that his analysis of social capital in Britain raises more questions than it resolves. The purpose of this Comment is to clarify these questions as they relate to women and social capital. The objective is not simply to ‘add women and stir’. Rather, a consideration of gender dynamics illuminates key controversies within the wider social capital debate. Peter Hall, ‘Social Capital in Britain', British Journal of Political Science, 29 (1999), 417–61Virginia Sapiro, ‘Feminist Studies and Political Science – and Vice Versa’, in Anne Phillips, ed., Feminism and Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 67–89, at p. 67.

I am, of course, extremely pleased that my M+1 hypothesis has received so much attention. Under the principle of ‘as long as you spell my name right’, I appreciate every single citation. Nevertheless, I have been surprised at some of the interpretations of my argument. Browne and Patterson offer me an opportunity to clarify my position. Eric C. Browne and Dennis Patterson, ‘An Empirical Theory of Rational Nominating Behaviour Applied to Japanese District Elections’, British Journal of Political Science, 29 (1999), 259–89.