Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 January 2009
The relationship between liberalism and democracy is notoriously paradoxical. On the one hand, the justification for democratic procedures most commonly rests on liberal assumptions. Standard liberal arguments for democracy range from the importance of consent due to the moral primacy of the individual, to the role of critical argument and the diversity of opinion for the discovery of truth. On the other hand, liberal institutional arrangements, such as the separation of powers and the rule of law, have frequently been interpreted as constraints upon democracy, albeit necessary ones if democracy is not to undermine itself. The paradox arises from the fact that liberalism provides a philosophical basis for regarding democracy as the only valid source of law whilst apparently appealing to some higher law in order to limit democracy itself. This paradox is embodied in the constitutions of most liberal democratic states. For generally these documents contain provisions – such as a bill of rights guaranteeing the freedoms of speech, assembly and association – designed to secure popular participation in the democratic process, alongside others – such as rights not obviously intrinsic to democratic decision making and mechanisms for judicial review – which seek to limit the power of democratic assemblies.
1 Commentators on the history of the liberal democratic tradition frequently divide it into two camps, those who praise the intrinsic virtues of the democratic process and those who favour it for purely instrumental reasons, for example, Macpherson, C. B., The Life and Times of Liberal Democracy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977)Google Scholar, and Held, David, Models of Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987).Google Scholar I cannot defend this thesis here, but against this view I believe that prior to the twentieth century liberal theories generally involve elements of both models, preferring the first view and seeking to guard against the second: Mill, J. S.'s Considerations on Representative Government (1861)Google Scholar is an obvious case in point. This shift from ethical to economic theories of liberal democracy forms a sub-theme of my Liberalism and Modern Society: An Historical Argument (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992).Google Scholar
2 Gray, J., Hayek on Liberty, 2nd edn (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986), chap. 1.Google Scholar
3 Hayek, F. A., Rules and Order (London: Routledge, 1973), p. 5.Google Scholar
4 Hayek, , Rules and Order, chap. 2.Google Scholar
5 Hayek, , Rules and Order, p. 6.Google Scholar
6 Hayek, F. A., Studies in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (London: Routledge, 1967), pp. 113, 116–17, 168.Google Scholar
7 Hayek, , Rules and Order, pp. 72–3.Google Scholar
8 Hayek, F. A., The Mirage of Social Justice (London: Routledge, 1976), chaps 7 and 9.Google Scholar
9 Hayek, , Rules and Order, p. 2.Google Scholar
10 Hayek, F. A., The Constitution of Liberty (London: Routledge, 1960), p. 103.Google Scholar
11 Hayek, F. A., The Political Order of a Free People (London: Routledge, 1979), p. 5.Google Scholar
12 Hayek, , Mirage, p. 24; Rules and Order, p. 118.Google Scholar
13 Hayek, , Constitution, p. 106.Google Scholar
14 Hayek, , Political Order, p. 17.Google Scholar
15 Hayek, , Political Order, p. 10.Google Scholar
16 Hayek, , Political Order, p. 13.Google Scholar
17 Hayek, , Political Order, p. 32.Google Scholar
18 Hayek, , Political Order, p. 6.Google Scholar
19 Hayek, , Political Order, p. 23.Google Scholar
20 Hayek, , Political Order, p. 14.Google Scholar
21 Hayek, , Political Order, p. 16.Google Scholar
22 Hayek, , Political Order, p. 31.Google Scholar
23 Nozick, R., Anarchy, State and Utopia (Oxford: Blackwell, 1974).Google Scholar Note, however, that Nozick has since changed his mind, see his The Examined Life (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1989), chap. 25.Google Scholar
24 Hayek, , Political Order, chap. 14.Google Scholar
25 Hayek, , Political Order, p. 127Google Scholar; Hayek, , Constitution of Liberty, chap. 20.Google Scholar
26 Hayek, , Political Order, p. 38, chap. 17.Google Scholar
27 Hayek, , Political Order, pp. 132–3, 146, 149.Google Scholar
28 Hayek, , Political Order, pp. 119–20.Google Scholar
29 Hayek, , Political Order, p. 116.Google Scholar
30 Hayek, , Political Order, p. 113.Google Scholar
31 Hayek, , Political Order, pp. 117–19.Google Scholar
32 Hayek, , Political Order, p. 112.Google Scholar
33 Hayek, , Political Order, p. 139.Google Scholar
34 Hayek, F., The Road to Serfdom (London: Routledge, 1976, first published in 1944), pp. 62–3Google Scholar
35 Gray, , Hayek on Liberty, p. 69.Google Scholar
36 Hayek, , Political Order, chap. 18.Google Scholar
37 Hayek, , Political Order, p. 135.Google Scholar
38 My analysis of this thesis is indebted to the work of O'Neill, Onora, ‘The Most Extensive Liberty’, Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, 80 (1979/1980), 45–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Gray, John, Liberalisms: Essays in Political Philosophy (London: Routledge, 1989), chap. 9.Google Scholar
39 Hayek, , Studies, p. 162Google Scholar; Rules and Order, pp. 36–7.Google Scholar
40 See King, Desmond, The New Right: Politics, Markets and Citizenship (London: Methuen, 1987), pp. 97–100CrossRefGoogle Scholar for a brief discussion of this problem.
41 Hayek makes these points particularly clearly in Political Order, chap. 14, especially pp. 41–4.Google Scholar
42 Hayek, , Political Order, p. 152.Google Scholar
43 Hayek, , Mirage, p. 28.Google Scholar
44 See Kukathas, C., Hayek and Modern Liberalism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
45 Hayek, , Constitution, p. 398.Google Scholar
46 Hayek, , Constitution, pp. 153, 210.Google Scholar
47 Gray, , Hayek on Liberty, pp. 63–5.Google Scholar
48 For criticisms to this effect see Raz, J., The Authority of Law: Essays on Law and Morality (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), pp. 210–32Google Scholar, and Hamowy, R., ‘Law and the Liberal Society: F. A. Hayek's Constitution of Liberty’, Journal of Libertarian Studies, 2 (1978), 287–97.Google Scholar
49 For example, Mackinnon, C., Feminism Unmodified: Discourses on Life and Law (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1987), p. 44.Google Scholar
50 Gray, , Hayek on Liberty, pp. 59–61.Google Scholar
51 For example, Hayek, , Constitution, pp. 31, 44, 48, 259.Google Scholar
52 Kukathas, , Hayek, pp. 191–201.Google Scholar
53 Hayek, , Constitution, p. 41.Google Scholar
54 Rosen, Michael, Hegel's Dialectic and Its Criticism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), chap. 2.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
55 See, for example, the ‘Epilogue’ to Political Order, and his final book, The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989).Google Scholar
56 See, for example, Dahl, R., A Preface to Economic Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1985).Google Scholar
57 See Larmore, Charles, Patterns of Moral Complexity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), chap. 6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
58 See Zolo, D., Democracy and Complexity (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992)Google Scholar, whose analysis inspires these remarks.
59 Hayek, , Political Order, chap. 14.Google Scholar
60 See McLean, Iain, Public Choice (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987)Google Scholar, Part I, for an exposition of this theory.
61 Downs, A., An Economic Theory of Democracy (New York: Basic Books, 1957)Google Scholar, chap. 14. See Lewin, Leif, Self-Interest and Public Interest in Western Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for a detailed empirical assessment of the public choice account of democratic politics, that reveals citizens, politicians and bureaucrats to be motivated by far broader considerations of the long-term common good than the theory allows.
62 Although this distinction runs through liberal thought, Hayek's analysis is indebted to Carl Schmitt, see Hayek, , Rules and Order, p. 71Google Scholar; Political Order, pp. 138, 194–5.Google Scholar I have criticized Schmitt's views in this respect in Bellamy, R. and Baehr, P., ‘Carl Schmitt and the Contradictions of Liberal Democracy’, European Journal of Political Research, 23 (1993), 163–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
63 See Mackie, J. L., Ethics: Inventing Right and Wrong (Harmondsworth, Midx.: Penguin, 1977)Google Scholar, chap. 4, and the discussion in Lukes, Steven, ‘Of Gods and Demons: Habermas and Practical Reason’, in Thompson, J. B. and Held, D., eds, Habermas: Critical Debates (Basingstoke, Hants: Macmillan, 1982), pp. 142–4Google Scholar, to which the following is indebted.
64 This point is well made by Albert Weale in his critique of Samuel Brittan's economic liberalism in ‘Can Homo Economicus Have a Political Theory?’, Political Studies, 35 (1990), 517–25.Google Scholar
65 Very similar thinking, of course, runs through Rawls, John's Political Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), p. 9.Google Scholar However, the idea of an ‘overlapping consensus’ on principles of political justice suggests that agreement is reached from within the respective comprehensive moral views of the various participants in the democratic process – an impression confirmed by Rawls's agreement (for example, at p. 36) with Joshua Cohen's interpretation of his argument in ‘Moral Pluralism and Political Consensus’, in Capp, D., Hampton, J. and Roemer, J. E., eds, The Idea of Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 270–91.Google Scholar Moreover, whilst Rawls envisages the modus vivendi as giving way to a stable consensus that excludes divisive issues from the political agenda (p. 148), this schema regards acceptance of the principles of political decision making as being at least partly dependent on the continued existence of a fair division of power that makes compromise a virtue.
66 See Friedman, R. B., ‘On the Concept of Authority’Google Scholar, in Raz, J., ed., AuthorityGoogle Scholar, for a discussion of the political function of authority underlying this account.
67 This description of a modus vivendi liberalism largely follows Larmore, , Patterns of Moral Complexity, pp. 74–5.Google Scholar
68 Hayek, , Political Order, p. 93.Google Scholar
69 See Dahl, R., Dilemmas of Liberal Democracies (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1982)Google Scholar, for a fuller discussion.
70 The issue of sovereignty was a consistent concern of the English pluralists J. N. Figgis, G. D. H. Cole and Harold Laski. Much of what I have to say about democratic liberalism is indebted to their ideas and the exposition and development of them by Hirst in Hirst, P. Q., ed., The Pluralist Theory of the State (London: Routledge, 1989).Google Scholar
71 For example, Hayek, , Rules and Order, p. 138.Google Scholar