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The Stratification Beliefs of English and American Adolescents

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2009

Extract

Tocqueville described the eventual progress of equality as inevitable; today its prospects seem less assured. The main engines of equality's modest advance are to be found in contemporary welfare states, where politics concerns who gets what and why. Governments are deeply concerned with these matters even when beguiling themselves, as well as the rest of us, into overlooking the cumulative results of their actions. By shoring up and gradually reshaping stratification systems, they help provide frameworks within which we live and plan our futures. Ordinary citizens are more attuned to the facts of inequality than to speculations about its origins. This essay investigates when and how citizens learn about stratification in England and the United States.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1976

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References

1 This was demonstrated by Roberta G. Simmons and Morris Rosenberg who, in their study of Baltimore children, asked: ‘Have you ever heard about ‘social class’, or haven't you heard this term?’ Percentages responding ‘Yes’ were as follows: elementary school, 15 per cent; junior high school, 39 per cent; senior high school, 75 per cent. ‘Functions of Children's Perceptions of the Stratification System’, American Sociological Review, XXXVI (1971), 235–49, p. 244.Google Scholar

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5 Regional differences appeared only in specific activities dependent upon climate or special geographical features: Douvan, Elizabeth and Adelson, Joseph, The Adolescent Experience (New York: Wiley, 1966), p. 311Google Scholar. For a comparison of adolescents in northern and southern English schools see Tapper, Ted, Young People and Society (London: Faber, 1971).Google Scholar

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8 Interviews were administered by the authors with the help of graduate students in England and teachers in the United States. Materials were presented and items explained according to a standard format. Similarly, wherever possible, the staff answered questions with planned responses.

9 Considerable confusion has resulted from interpreting measures of stratification awareness as indicators of class consciousness. Class consciousness dimensions are discussed in Ossowski, , Class Structure in the Social Consciousness, pp. 72–3Google Scholar; Mayer, and Buckley, , Class and Society, p. 131Google Scholar; Bottomore, , Classes in Modern Society, pp. 81–2Google Scholar; and Dahrendorf, Ralf, Class and Class Conflict in Industrial Society (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1959), pp. 201–4.Google Scholar

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13 In their Baltimore study, Simmons and Rosenberg used the same item we have reported here. And, their results come very close to our own: 75 per cent of their high school students said they had heard the term, compared with 79 per cent in the present study. Simmons, and Rosenberg, , ‘Functions of Children's Perceptions of the Stratification System’, p. 244.Google Scholar

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15 From the perspective of item validity, less than 5 per cent of those claiming they had heard the term ‘social class’ denied that there were social classes in their country, or agreed that ‘There are no such things as social classes nowadays’. While this falls short of a satisfactory validity assessment, it does suggest that the students’ responses reflect consistent and meaningful usage of the class concept.

16 Himmelweit, , Halsey, and Oppenheim, , ‘The Views of Adolescents on Some Aspects of the Social Class Structure’, pp. 153–4, 170–1Google Scholar. See also Ford, Julienne, Social Class and the Comprehensive School (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1969), Chaps. 4 and 5CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Abramson, Paul, ‘The Differential Political Socialization of English Secondary School Students’, Sociology of Education, LX (1967), 246–60, p. 256CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Comparable adult data can be found in Butler, and Stokes, , Political Change in Britain, p. 67.Google Scholar

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21 This awareness is reinforced by experiences at the age when children begin to join cub packs and similar organizations: ‘Up we'd go into the yard … a right scruffy lot we were – and stare at all those brownies and cubs inside all with bright clean uniforms. They seemed so pretty, so clean. I always hated them.’ Jackson, Brian and Marsden, Dennis, Education and the Working Class, revised edn. (Harmondsworth Middx.: Penguin Books, 1966), p. 103.Google Scholar

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24 Fifty-nine per cent of the English and 80 per cent of the Americans from skilled and un skilled working-class families label themselves middle-class or above. In the American case, this is a substantial increase over the 1947 adolescent data reported by Centers, ‘Social Class Identifications of American Youth’, p. 294.Google Scholar

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26 Simmons, and Rosenberg, , ‘Functions of Children's Perceptions of the Stratification System’, p. 245.Google Scholar

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32 Tocqueville, , Democracy in America, pp. 540–1Google Scholar. The argument has been carried forward by Lipset who synthesizes observations of D. W. Brogan and others on the subject: Lipset, , The First New Nation, pp. 112–13.Google Scholar

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36 These items are: familiarity with the term ‘social class’ (see Table 1); belief that there are social classes in the respondent's country (see Table 2); rejection of the claim that there are no such things as social classes (see Table 3); and willingness to characterize oneself with a social class label.

37 Lydall, Harold and Lansing, John B., ‘A Comparison of the Distribution of Personal Income and Wealth in the United States and Great Britain’, American Economic Review, IL (1959), 4367Google Scholar. See also Nissel, Muriel, ed., Social Trends, III (London: HMSO, 1973), 8398Google Scholar; Executive Office of the President: Office of Management and the Budget, Social Indicators 1973 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1973), pp. 151–87Google Scholar; and Miliband, Ralph, The State in Capitalist Society (New York: Basic Books, 1969), pp. 25–8.Google Scholar

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41 Hollingshead, , Elmtown's YouthGoogle Scholar; Warner, W. Lloyd et al. , Democracy in Jonesville (New York: Harper and Row, 1949).Google Scholar

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44 Bott, , Family and Social Network, pp. 188–9Google Scholar. The direction of influence is not as clear in this relationship as in preceding ones. Thus Simmons and Rosenberg, ‘Functions of Children's Perceptions of the Stratification System’, suggest that consciousness of occupational prestige differences produces the desire for upward mobility. Nonetheless, the dominant direction of influence would, on the basis of Tocqueville's theory, seem to flow in the opposite direction.

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57 A British survey similarly found that the phrase, ‘People like myself’, led respondents to think in terms of occupation and stratification: Runciman, , Relative Deprivation and Social Justice, p. 161.Google Scholar

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