Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 December 2010
1 Obviously, data regarding first place votes in a three-candidate election will be biased due to strategic voting. This incidence will have a tendency to understate the likelihood of a cycle.
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18 Early statements to this effect come from Campbell and Tullock, ‘A Measure of the Importance of Cyclical Majorities’; Niemi, ‘Majority Decision-Making with Partial Unidimensionality’.
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21 For clarification, in the forward cycle, the points of the region on the graph are shown in Table 1. A forward cycle exists when x < [N(A) + N(B) − N(C)]/2. The length of that region is found by subtracting [N(A) + N(B) − N(C)]/2 from N(A). The height is where y > [N(B) − N(A) + N(C)]/2 and the width is where r > [N(B) + N(A) − N(C)]/2. The volume is found by multiplying these together.
22 ((N(B) − N(A) + N(C))/2)(N(A) − (N(A) + N(B) − N(C))/2))(N(B) + N(A) − N(C))/2) + (N(C) − (N(B) − N(A) + N(C))/2)((N(A) + N(B) − N(C))/2)(N(B) − (N(B) + N(A) − N(C))/2) = 1/8 (N(C) − N(B) + N(A))(N(A) + N(B) − N(C)) (N(B) − N(A) + N(C)) + 1/8 (N(C) − N(B) + N(A))(N(A) + N(A) − N(C)) (N(B) − N(A) + N(C)) = 1/8 (2((N(C) − N(B) + N(A))(N(A) + N(B) − N(C))(N(B) − N(A) + N(C)) = 1/4(N(C) − N(B) + N(A))(N(A) + N(B) − N(C))(N(B) − N(A) + N(C)).
23 This is a familiar result shown in, for example, Niemi, ‘Majority Decision-Making with Partial Unidimensionality’.
24 Average vote percentages are Labour, 40.9 per cent, Liberal/Alliance/Liberal Democrat, 12.2 per cent and Conservative 41.1 per cent.
25 As observable in Budge, Ian, Klingemann, Hans-Dieter, Volkens, Andrea, Bara, Judith and Tanenbaum, Eric, Mapping Policy Preferences: Estimates for Parties, Governments and Electors 1945–1998 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 25Google Scholar.
26 These data were originally collected by the 2004 European Election Study research group, made possible by a number of grants. The principal investigators were Herman Schmidt and Matthew Loveless in collaboration with others, including James Tilley. The data for Britain are for Great Britain only, not including Northern Ireland. Neither the original collectors of the data nor their sponsors bear responsibility for the analyses or interpretations reported here. The data are available on the European Election Study homepage (http://www.europeanelectionstudies.net/) and from the Central Archive for Empirical Social Research (ZA) at the University of Cologne, Germany.
27 The questionnaire asked for a retrospective vote report and followed with this question (quoted here from the English Master Questionnaire, Part IV of the ESS 2004 Codebook): ‘And if there was a general election tomorrow, which party would you vote for?’ Each respondent was next prompted and asked this: ‘We have a number of parties in [country] each of which would like to get your vote. How likely is it that you will ever vote for the following parties? Please specify your views on a 10-point scale where 1 means “not at all probable” and 10 means “very probable”. If you think of [Party 1], what mark out of 10 best describes how probable it is that you will ever vote for [Party 1]?’
28 We could also have used the probability statements for respondents refusing to indicate a preference or saying they ‘don’t know’. Their inclusion does not change the collective preference order based on head-to-head party competition reported in Table 2.
29 Regenwetter et al., Behavioral Social Choice.