Hostname: page-component-cc8bf7c57-l9twb Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-11T22:11:32.876Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Political Parties and Confidence in Government: A Comparison of Norway, Sweden and the United States

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2009

Extract

Comparable survey data from Norway, Sweden and the United States are used to examine trends in political trust for the period 1964–86. During the early part of that period trust declined in all three countries; later it recovered for Norway but continued to plummet in Sweden and the United States. Three major features of the party system are hypothesized to explain the difference in these trends for the three countries. These features are: the structural aspects of the party system; the public's cognitive judgements of the parties as representatives of the policy interests; and the possibility that a negative rejection of political parties as undesirable institutions may spill over to citizen evaluations of government more generally.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1990

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Gamson, W. A., Power and Discontent (Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey, 1968).Google Scholar

2 Dennis, Jack, ‘Trends in Support for the American Party System’, British Journal of Political Science, 5 (1975), 187230.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3 Gamson, , Power and DiscontentGoogle Scholar; Finifter, A., ‘Dimensons of Political Alienation’, American Political Science Review, 64 (1970), 389410CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Miller, A. H., ‘Political Issues and Trust in Government: 1964–1970’, American Political Science Review, 68 (1974), 951–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4 Campbell, A., Gurin, G. and Miller, W., The Voter Decides (Evanston, Ill.: Row, Peterson and Co., 1954).Google Scholar

5 Balch, G. I., ‘Multiple Indicators in Survey Research: The Concept “Sense of Political Efficacy”’, Political Methodology, 1 (1974), 143Google Scholar; Converse, P., ‘Change in the American Electorate’, in Campbell, A. and Converse, P., eds, The Human Meaning of Social Change (New York: Russell Sage, 1972)Google Scholar; House, J. S. and Mason, W. M., ‘Political Alienation in America’, American Sociological Review, 40 (1975), 123–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Miller, W. E., Miller, A. H. and Schneider, E., American Political Trends: The National Election Studies Data Sourcebook (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1980).Google Scholar

6 Dahl, R. A., ed., Political Oppositions in Western Democracies (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1966), p. 353.Google Scholar

7 Miller, A. H., ‘Is Confidence Rebounding?’, Public Opinion, 6 (1983), 1620Google Scholar; Citrin, J. and Green, D., ‘Presidential Leadership and Trust in Government’, British Journal of Political Science, 16 (1986), 431–53.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8 Miller, A. H. and Borrelli, S., ‘Renewed Confidence in Government: The Reagan Legacy or Missed Opportunity’, paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Society of Political Psychology, San Francisco, 1987.Google Scholar

9 Pettersson, O., Väljarna och valet 1976 (Stockholm: Statistiska centralbyrån, 1977)Google Scholar; Holmberg, S. and Gilljam, M., Väljare och val i Sverige (Stockholm: Bonniers, 1987).Google Scholar

10 For a discussion of these explanations for growing distrust of government in each country see Miller, , ‘Political Issues and Trust in Government’Google Scholar; Martinussen, W., The Distant Democracy (London: Wiley, 1977)Google Scholar; Valen, H., Valg og politikk (Oslo: NKS-forlaget, 1981)Google Scholar; Valen, H. and Aardal, B., Et valg i perspektiv (Oslo: Statistik sentralbyrå, 1983)Google Scholar; Listhaug, O., Citizens, Parties and Norwegian Electoral Politics 1957–1985: An Empirical Study (Trondheim: Tapir, 1989)Google Scholar; Holmberg, and Gilljam, , Väljare och vai i Sverige.Google Scholar

11 Särlvik, B., ‘Recent Electoral Trends in Sweden’, in Cerny, K. H., ed., Scandinavia at the Polls (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1977)Google Scholar; Miller, A. H. and Listhaug, O., ‘Political Support in Norway and the United States’, paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC, 1984.Google Scholar

12 Sundberg, J., ‘Exploring the Basis of Declining Party Membership in Denmark: A Scandinavian Comparison’, Scandinavian Political Studies, 10 (1987), 1738.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

13 In addition to factors influencing the rise of new parties, the flexibility of multi-party systems is constrained in other ways. First, they vary considerably in the number of parties that are competing for office. In Scandinavia, for example, Denmark has the highest number of major parties and Sweden the smallest, with Norway in between (the numbers are eleven, five and seven respectively for the period of our study). Some of the smallest parties running in the election have little chance of representation, and thus can be compared to third parties in two-party systems. Secondly, the specialization of the party structure (e.g. an Agrarian party, a Labour party, etc.) might limit the relevance of the parties for the broader electorate. There is thus conflict between the degree of specialization, which gives major interest groups ‘their’ party, and the wish of voters to have viable alternative parties from which to choose.

Thirdly, since confidence may be influenced by the functioning and outcomes of government, the way governments are created and operate becomes important. Multi-party systems frequently depend on coalition and minority governments. Coalition governments may not provide preferred policies because the parties forming the government must compromise on major political questions. Although the portrait of minority governments as poor performers has recently been challenged (see Strom, K., ‘Party Goals and Government Performance in Parliamentary Democracies’, American Political Science Review, 79 (1985), 738–54)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, a minority government may alienate some of the coalition supporters, as the implemented policies will diverge from the policy positions these voters supported at the election. Similarly, compromises due to coalitional bargaining and/or bargaining with the opposition may lead to inconsistent policy making, instability (i.e., short-lived governments) and political turbulence, thus weakening the performance of the government. In turn, this might be detrimental to the level of confidence among the public.

14 For details on the electoral systems in Scandinavia see Särlvik, B., ‘Scandinavia’, in Bogdanor, V. and Butler, D., eds, Democracy and Elections (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).Google Scholar

15 Berglund, S. and Lindström, U., The Scandinavian Party System(s) (Lund: Studentlitteratur, 1978).Google Scholar

16 Eldersveld, S., Political Parties in American Society (New York: Basic Books, 1982).Google Scholar

17 Holmberg, and Gilljam, , Väljare och val i Sverige, p. 237.Google Scholar

18 For details, see Särlvik, B., ‘Coalitional Politics and Policy Output in Scandinavia: Sweden, Denmark and Norway’, in Bogdanor, V., ed., Coalition Government in Western Europe (London: Heinemann, 1983).Google Scholar

19 Downs, A., An Economic Theory of Democracy (New York: Harper & Row, 1957).Google Scholar

20 Sundquist, James L., Dynamics of the Party System (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1973)Google Scholar; Nie, N., Verba, S. and Petrocik, J., The Changing American Voter (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976).Google Scholar

21 Black, M. and Rabinowitz, G., ‘American Electoral Change: 1952–1972’, in Crotty, W., ed., The Party Symbol: Readings on Political Parties (San Francisco: Freeman, 1980).Google Scholar

22 Widmaier, U., ‘Tendencies Toward an Erosion of Legitimacy’, in Dogan, M., ed., Comparing Pluralist Democracies (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1988).Google Scholar

23 Rabinowitz, G., Macdonald, S. and Listhaug, O., ‘New Players in an Old Game’, paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC, 1988.Google Scholar

24 Miller, , ‘Political Issues and Trust in Government’.Google Scholar

25 Burnham, W. D., Critical Elections and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: Norton, 1970)Google Scholar; Nie, , Verba, and Petrocik, , The Changing American Voter.Google Scholar

26 Wattenberg, M., The Decline of American Political Parties 1952–1980 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984).Google Scholar

27 Seeman, M., ‘On the Meaning of Alienation’, American Sociological Review, 24 (1959), 738–54.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

28 Easton, D., A Systems Analysis of Political Life (New York: Wiley, 1965).Google Scholar

29 Because of the multicollinearity among the various distance measures, the indicator for distance from the non-socialist bloc had to be excluded from this analysis.

30 Wattenberg, , The Decline of American Political Parties.Google Scholar

31 Miller, W., ‘Misreading the Public Pulse’, Public Opinion, 10/11 (1979), 915Google Scholar; Lipset, S. M. and Schneider, W., The Confidence Gap (New York: Free Press, 1983)Google Scholar; Lambert, R. D. et al. , ‘Effects of Identification with Governing Parties on Feelings of Political Issues and Trust’, Canadian Journal of Political Science, 19 (1986), 705–28.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

32 For a review of this work see Dogan, , Comparing Pluralist Democracies.Google Scholar

33 Moreover, a system that allows for the formation of new parties, with a reasonable chance of representation, provides a learning experience for the citizens. Dissatisfaction with the old parties, creation of one or more new parties, which subsequently elect representatives to the parliament, are the first steps in the chain that can integrate protest through the established avenues of political discourse. This can happen if the protest party is brought into normal, institutionalized politics and becomes a permanent member of the political structure. If the new party fails after a period of representation in the parliament, which has happened to some of the new parties in Denmark, the supporters of the failed party are likely to develop a more positive attitude towards the old system, partly because they had an opportunity to try an alternative and because one of the established parties will probably have shifted to adopt a position closer to the voters' preference.

34 Almond, G., ‘The Intellectual History of the Civic Culture Concept’, in Almond, G. and Verba, S., eds., The Civic Culture Revisited (Boston, Mass.: Little, Brown, 1980).Google Scholar

35 Easton, D., ‘A Re-assessment of the Concept of Political Support’, British Journal of Political Science, 5 (1975), 435–57.CrossRefGoogle Scholar