Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-dsjbd Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-23T17:58:30.203Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Precision measurement and the genesis of physics teaching laboratories in Victorian Britain

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 January 2009

Graeme Gooday
Affiliation:
Unit for the History of Science, Physics Laboratory, University of Kent at Canterbury, Kent CT2 7NR, U.K.

Extract

The appearance and proliferation of physics laboratories in the academic institutions of Britain between 1865 and 1885 is an established feature of Victorian science. However, neither of the two existing modern accounts of this development have adequately documented the predominant function of these early physics laboratories as centres for the teaching of physics, characteristically stressing instead the exceptional cases of the research laboratories at Glasgow and Cambridge. Hence these accounts have attempted to explain, somewhat misleadingly, the genesis of these laboratories purely by reference to the stimuli of professionalized research programmes, instead of considering the contemporary growth in demand for the professional laboratory teaching of physics. In failing to consider such physics laboratories in terms of the political economy of British education, these accounts have also failed a fortiori to correlate this development with the contemporaneous extension of laboratory teaching methods to other scientific disciplines, a movement dubbed as a laboratory ‘revolution’ by later nineteenth-century commentators.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © British Society for the History of Science 1990

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Early drafts of this paper were read at the University of Kent in November 1987, and at the University of Glasgow in September 1988. In a revised form it was jointly awarded the ‘Singer Prize’ by the British Society for the History of Science in January 1989. For this extended version of the Singer Prize essay I am grateful to Crosbie Smith, Alex Dolby, Andrew Warwick and John Brooke for their valuable advice and criticisms, and to Simon Schaffer and Sophie Forgan for the inspiration provided by their work. I would also like to acknowledge the financial support of the SERC/ESRC.

1 Clifton, R.B., Minutes of Oxford University Commission, Bodleian MSS, 1877Google Scholar, question 451; Foster, G.C., Introductory Lecture as Dean of the Faculty of Arts, Laws and Sciences at University College, London, ‘Physics at the University of London’, Nature, (1874), 11, p. 507Google Scholar. Further material on Foster, Clifton, other contemporary physicists and their laboratories discussed in this paper can be found in Gooday, G., ‘Precision measurement and the genesis of physics teaching laboratories in Victorian Britain’, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, 1989, University of Kent at Canterbury.Google Scholar

2 Phillips, M., ‘Laboratories and the Rise of the Physics Profession in the Nineteenth Century’, American Journal of Physics, (1983), 51, pp. 497503CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sviedrys, R., ‘The Rise of Physics Laboratories in Britain’, Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences, (1976), 7, pp. 405436.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3 Phillips, , op. cit. (2), pp. 498499.Google Scholar

4 Sviedrys, , op. cit. (2), pp. 409415, 422427.Google Scholar

5 Smith, C.W. and Wise, M.N., Energy and Empire: A Biographical Study of Lord Kelvin, Cambridge, 1989Google Scholar; Wise, M.N. and Smith, C.W., ‘Measurement, Work and Industry in Lord Kelvin's Britain’, Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences, (1986), 17, pp. 147173.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6 ‘The Laboratory in Modern Science’, Science, (1884), 3, pp. 172174.Google Scholar

7 See entry for ‘Laboratory’ in The Cyclopedia, London, 1819.Google Scholar

8 Thomson, William was taught inorganic chemistry by Thomas Thomson in 18401841Google Scholar; Thompson, S.P., Life of Lord Kelvin, 2 vols, London, 1910, vol. i, p. 10.Google Scholar

9 Morrell, J.B., ‘The chemist breeders: the research schools of Liebig and Thomas Thomson’, Ambix, (1972), 19, pp. 146.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed

10 SirThomson, William, ‘Scientific Laboratories’, Nature, (1885), 31, p. 410.Google Scholar

11 Ibid., p. 411.

12 The Laboratory, 1, 04-09, 1867.Google Scholar

13 See entry for ‘Laboratory’ in Globe Encyclopedia, London, 1879.Google Scholar

14 Minutes of Royal Commission on Scientific Instruction and the Advancement of Science, 1870Google Scholar, question 2881; Geison, G., Michael Foster and the Cambridge School of Physiology, Princeton, 1978, pp. 117118Google Scholar; Royal School of Mines Minutes of Council, 14/6/1873 & 6/7/1878; A.B.W. Kennedy, College Correspondence 18/2/1879, University College London Archives.

15 Fison, A.M., ‘George Carey Foster’, Transactions of the Chemical Society, (1919), 115, pp. 413414, 422424.Google Scholar

16 Ayrton, W.E., ‘Kelvin in the Sixties’, Popular Science Monthly, (1908), 42, p. 263.Google Scholar

17 Fison, op. cit. (15), p. 413Google Scholar; Knott, G.G., Life and Work of Peter Guthrie Tait, 1911, Cambridge, pp. 415416Google Scholar; University of Edinburgh Calendar, (1866), p. 57Google Scholar; Sviedrys, , op. cit. (2), p. 416.Google Scholar

18 See Sviedrys, , op. cit. (2), p. 416Google Scholar, for an alternative chronology of ‘formal’ institutional recognition of laboratory work.

19 University of Glasgow, Faculty Minutes 1/5/1857 & 5/5/1857; University College, London, Minutes of Committee of Management 19/6/1866 & 3/7/1866, Minutes of Council 7/7/1866; G.A. Oxon C.82.91 Bodleian Library, University of Oxford; P.G. Tait to W. Thomson 18/1/1868 University of Edinburgh Special Collection Gen.2169 192; King's College, London, Minutes of Council 8/5/1868; Owens College, Minutes of Trustees Meetings for Educational Purposes, Manchester Central Reference Library 21/7/1870 & 22/9/1870; Royal School of Mines, Minutes of Council 8/7/1872 & 20th Report of the Department of Science and Art, 1873, xi (12)Google Scholar. The Cavendish Laboratory opened at Cambridge in 1874 was operated by James Clerk Maxwell as a centre of postgraduate research until his death in 1879 and did not therefore belong to this genre of undergraduate teaching laboratories. See Strutt, R.J., The Life of Lord Rayleigh, London, 1924, p. 103Google Scholar; Thomson, J.J., Recollections and Reflections, London, 1834, p. 109.Google Scholar

20 Sanderson, M., The Universities and British Industry 1850–1970, London, 1972Google Scholar, chapter III.

21 Sviedrys, , op. cit. (2), p. 433Google Scholar; Silver, H. and Teague, S., The History of British Universities 1800–1969 … A Bibliography, London, 1970.Google Scholar

22 Thomson, W., op. cit. (10), p. 412.Google Scholar

23 Ibid., p. 411.

24 Smith, and Wise, , op. cit. (5), chapters IV & VGoogle Scholar; Wise, and Smith, , op. cit. (5), pp. 167171Google Scholar; also Thompson, , op. cit. (8), pp. 116132, 296298.Google Scholar

25 Thomson, W., ‘On an absolute thermometric scale founded on Carnot's theory of the motive power of heat, and calculated from Regnault's observations’, Philosophical Magazine, (1848) III, 33, pp. 313317Google Scholar. Steele was later Tait, P.G.'s collaborator on Dynamics of a Particle, Cambridge, 1856.Google Scholar

26 Thomson, W., ‘Applications of the principle of mechanical effect to the measurement of electromotive forces and galvanic resistances in absolute units’, Philosophical Magazine, (1851) IV, 2, 551562Google Scholar. For a brief summary of Weber's system see Sviedrys, , op. cit. (2), pp. 410411.Google Scholar

27 Thomson, W., ‘On the dynamical theory of heat, with numerical results derived from Mr Joule's equivalent of a thermal unit, and Mr Regnault's observations on steam’, Philosophical Magazine III (1852), 4, pp. 821, 105117, 168176, 424434Google Scholar; Smith, and Wise, , op. cit. (5), pp. 332333.Google Scholar

28 Thomson, W., ‘On a mechanical theory of a thermo-electric current’, Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, (1851), 3, pp. 9198.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

29 Thomson, W., ‘Account of researches in thermo-electricity’, Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, (1854), 7, pp. 4952CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See Heilbron, J., Electricity in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries: a study of early modern physics, Berkeley, 1979, p. 257Google Scholar for an explanation of ‘resinous’ and ‘vitreous’ electricities.

30 Thomson, , op. cit. (10), pp. 410411.Google Scholar

31 See Smith, and Wise, , op. cit. (5), pp. 282, 296301, 308309.Google Scholar

32 See Thomson, , op. cit. (29), p. 52.Google Scholar

33 His Edinburgh counterpart and collaborator, Peter Guthrie Tait, took up Thomson's programme of thermoelectric researches with his students in the university teaching laboratory created for him in 1868; see Knott, , op. cit. (17), pp. 7580.Google Scholar

34 Thomson, , op. cit. (10), pp. 410411Google Scholar. The results of this broader collaborative investigation with his students were incorporated into Thomson's 1856 Bakerian lecture ‘On the electrodynamic qualities of metals’ in which Thomson wrote in the first footnote ‘the author has to acknowledge much valuable assistance in the various experimental investigations described in this paper, from his assistant Mr McFarlane and from MrSmith, C.A., MrDavidson, R., MrMaclean, F., MrMurray, John and other pupils in his laboratory’, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, (1856), pp. 649650Google Scholar. Such potentially controversial citations of student assistance in published research are apparently unique to Thomson in this period.

35 William Thomson to James Thomson, 7/12/1855 cited in Thompson, , op. cit (8), p. 306Google Scholar; cf. the earlier letter written by William to James on 12/1/1855, Thompson, , op. cit. (8) p. 301.Google Scholar

36 University of Glasgow, Faculty Minutes, 87, 1/5/1857, pp. 359360Google Scholar; for the respective locations of Thomson's and Fleming's rooms see Murray, D., Memories of the Old College of Glasgow, 1927, Glasgow, pp. 126, 131, 134, 135.Google Scholar

37 Faculty Minutes, 87, pp. 366–68, 88, p. 3Google Scholar. The disagreement between many authors over the date at which this ‘cellar laboratory’ was founded illustrates the historiographical problems that exist in attempting to characterize academic laboratories, such as Thomson's, as ‘instantaneous’ creations without reference to a prior tradition of experimental activity or an evolutionary period of institutional negotiation: 1849, Ayrton, W.E., ‘Kelvin in the Sixties’, Popular Science Monthly (1908), 72, p. 262;Google Scholar 1850, Sviedrys, R., op. cit. (2), p. 410;Google Scholar 1850, Thompson, S.P., op. cit. (8), p. 297;Google Scholar 1851, Gray, A., Lord Kelvin: an account of his scientific life and work, London, 1908, p. 70 n. 1;Google Scholar 1852, Bottomley, J.T., ‘Physical Science in Glasgow University’, Nature, (1872), 6, p. 29;CrossRefGoogle Scholar 1855, Courts, J., A History of the University of Glasgow, Glasgow, 1909, p. 385;Google Scholar 1855, Tait, P.C., ‘Scientific Worthies IX:—Sir William Thomson’, Nature, (1876), p. 387.Google Scholar

38 Sviedrys, , op. cit. (2), pp. 411412.Google Scholar

39 Smith, and Wise, , op. cit. (5), pp. 661678, 685722.Google Scholar

40 Adams, W.G., ‘Inaugural Address (as President of the Society of Telegraph Engineers)’, Journal of the Society of Telegraph Engineers, (1884), 13, p. 11 (emphasis added).Google Scholar

41 Smith, and Wise, , op. cit. (5), pp. 446447Google Scholar; Thompson, , op. cit. (8), pp. 328329.Google Scholar

42 Thompson, , op. cit. (8), p. 341.Google Scholar

43 S.P. Thompson described this instrument as a portable ‘steelyard’, Thompson, , op. cit (8), p. 341.Google Scholar

44 Smith, and Wise, , op. cit. (5), pp. 661664Google Scholar; Thompson, , op. cit. (8), pp. 330332Google Scholar. I hope to develop the arguments presented in this section in a future paper upon the contemporary ideologies and industrial utilities of measurement instruments employed in telegraphy and laboratory research.

45 Thomson, W., ‘On practical methods for rapid signalling by the Electric Telegraph’, Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, (18561857), 8, pp. 299307CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thompson, , op. cit. (8), pp. 332337, 341342Google Scholar; Smith, and Wise, , op. cit. (5), pp. 661662.Google Scholar

46 Thompson, , op. cit. (8), pp. 338339.Google Scholar

47 Thomson, W., ‘On the electric conductivity of commerical copper of various kinds’, Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, (1857), 8, pp. 550555CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thompson, , op. cit. (8), pp. 349351Google Scholar; cf. Sviedrys' comment that Thomson's ‘example spread within the industry’, Sviedrys, , op. cit. (2), p. 411.Google Scholar

48 Wise, and Smith, , op. cit. (5), pp. 167168Google Scholar; Smith, and Wise, , op. cit. (5), pp. 652722.Google Scholar

49 Thomson remarked in his 1857 paper that ‘it is impossible to overestimate the great practical value of this system of absolute measurement carried out by Weber into every department of electrical science’, Thomson, , op. cit. (47)Google Scholar. Cf. note (26).

50 Thompson, , op. cit. (8), pp. 347349.Google Scholar

51 Thompson, , op. cit. (8), pp. 341, 353354, 357.Google Scholar

52 Ibid., pp. 360–363, 366–370, 374–377, 380–383.

53 Sviedrys, , op. cit. (2), pp. 411412.Google Scholar

54 Bright, C. and Clark, L., ‘On the formation of standards of electrical quantity and resistance’, BAAS Report, (1861), pp. 3738.Google Scholar

55 BAAS Report, (1861), xxxixGoogle Scholar; Thomas, W., Electrical Units of Measurement, (1883) in Popular Lectures and Addresses, 2nd edn, 3 vols, London, 1891, voi, i, p. 91.Google Scholar

56 BAAS Report, (1862), pp. 124127.Google Scholar

57 BAAS Reports, (1863), pp. 123124Google Scholar & (1870), p. 15; Smith, and Wise, , op. cit. (5), pp. 684698.Google Scholar

58 Thomson to Helmholtz 23/11/1862 in Thompson, , op. cit. (8), p. 425Google Scholar. I hope to discuss Thomson's ironic references to the contemporary debates on Darwinian evolution in a future paper.

59 BAAS Report, (1867), pp. 477478.Google Scholar

60 BAAS Report, (1867), pp. 512522.Google Scholar

61 Thomson, , op. cit. (5), pp. 411412.Google Scholar

62 Adams, W.G., ‘Physics Laboratories’, Nature (1871), 3, 322323CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Knott, , op. cit. (17), 3132, 72.Google Scholar

63 For an account of the activities of the B.A.A.S. Committee on Electrical Standards as a source for the electrical research tradition at Maxwell's Cavendish Laboratory at Cambridge see Sviedrys, , op. cit. (2), pp. 422430Google Scholar. For counter-evidence to Sviedrys' view that this Committee operated as a ‘training’ ground for experienced laboratory practitioners such as Foster and Stewart see Gooday, , op. cit. (1), pp. 4.3–4.12, 7.247.32.Google Scholar

64 Thomson, W., BAAS Report, (1870), (part 2), p. 43Google Scholar; also cited in Smith, and Wise, , op. cit. (5), p. 698.Google Scholar

65 Journal of the Society of Arts, (1870), 18, p. 440Google Scholar. Quotation is reconstructed from Journal's report and emphasis added.

67 Tyndall, J., BAAS Report (Part 2) (1868)Google Scholar, Presidential Address to Section A, p. 2.

68 BAAS Report (Part 2) (1877), pp. 56.Google Scholar

69 Adams, W.G., ‘Inaugural address’, Journal of the Society of Telegraph Engineers, (1884), 13, pp. 78Google Scholar. Maxwell's arguments for the identity of electromagnetic waves and light based upon measurements by Weber, Kohlrausch, Fizeau and Foucault can be found in his ‘A Dynamical Theory of the Electromagnetic Field’, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London (1864), 155, pp. 459512Google Scholar. For an account of the controversy between Maxwell and Thomson over the interpretation of these measurements see Smith and Wise, , op. cit. (5), pp. 445494.Google Scholar

70 BAAS Report, (1871), pp. xcixcii.Google Scholar

71 See BAAS Reports, (18621871).Google Scholar

72 Fleming, J.A., ‘The Progress of Electrical Invention’, Nature, (1919), 104, p. 239.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

73 Adams, W.G., cited in The Electrician (1884), 12, p. 234.Google Scholar

74 Clifton, R.B., ‘The Offer of the Clarendon Trustees’Google Scholar, Bodleian MSS, G.A. Oxon c.84.6. (emphasis added). Misquoted in Sviedrys, , op. cit. (2), p. 421Google Scholar. In the previous year Clifton had made a similar plea founded upon the University's existing recognition of ‘the rapid progress in physics’ by requiring honours candidates in physics to pass a practical examination in physics, R.B. Clifton, Minutes of [Oxford] Museum Delegacy, 1/2/1867, Bodleian MSS.

75 Royal School of Mines, Minutes of Council, 23/1/1869.

76 University College, London, College Correspondence, 1865 AM/103.

77 According to J.A. Fleming, distinct academic communities of experimental and mathematical physicists were well established by the 1870s, and apart from Thomson and Tait, whose wide ranging research activities cut across this categorization, Fleming unequivocally placed all the other academic physicists discussed here in the category of experimentalist, Fleming, J.A., ‘Physics and the Physicists of the 1870s’, Nature, (1934), 143, p. 28.Google Scholar

78 Edinburgh University Calendar (1866), p. 55Google Scholar; Adams to Council of King's College, London, 14/2/68, KCL Archives, KA/IC/A52. The institutional negotiations for laboratory facilities by all the physicists discussed are documented in Gooday, , op. cit. (1).Google Scholar

79 Cf. p. 29 above.

80 Minutes of Royal Commission on Scientific Instruction and Advancement of Science, (1871)Google Scholar, question 7799.

81 Lodge, O., ‘Students Physical Laboratories’, Nature, (1908), 79, 128CrossRefGoogle Scholar; also Beare, T.H., Fleming, J.A., Foster, G.G., Smith, T.R., ‘The new science laboratories at University College, London’, British Architect's Journal, (1894), 1, pp. 281308, 359360, 408.Google Scholar

82 Bottomley, J.T., ‘Physical science in Glasgow University’, Nature, (1872), 6, p. 29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

83 Earl of Birkenhead, The Prof. in two worlds: the official life of Professor F.A. Lindemann, Viscount Cherwell, London 1961, p. 90.Google Scholar

84 Forman et al. argue that academic physics laboratories were globally purpose-built by the end of the nineteenth century to furnish a virtually disturbance-free environment for the accurate measurement experiments of the physicists and students occupying them, Forman, P., Heilbron, J.L. and Weart, S.Physics circa 1900’, Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences, (1975), 5, especially pp. 109114.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

85 Ker, W.P., Notes and Materials for the History of University College, London, UCL Archives, 1898, p. 67.Google Scholar

86 Knott, , op. cit. (17), p. 70Google Scholar; Sviedrys, , op. cit. (2), p. 415.Google Scholar

87 Knott, , op. cit. (17), p. 72.Google Scholar

88 Cited in Knott, , op. cit. (17), pp. 7071.Google Scholar

89 ‘Science Education from Below’, Nature, (1875), 12, p. 206.Google Scholar

90 Fison, , op. cit. (15), p. 424.Google Scholar

91 Thomson, J.J., Recollections and Reflections, London 1936, pp. 1920.Google Scholar

92 Lodge, O., ‘George Carey Foster, 1835–1919’, Proceedings of the Royal Society, (1919), 96, xviGoogle Scholar; B.A.A.S. Report (1871), p. lxxGoogle Scholar. Foster taught at Anderson's University in Glasgow between 1862 and 1865; see note (15) above,

93 Minutes of Royal Commission on Scientific Instruction and the Advancement of Science, 1871Google Scholar, question 6887; cf. Calendar, King's College, London, 1868, pp. 128129Google Scholar. For Stewart's laboratory teaching course see Owens College Calendar (1870), pp. 3940Google Scholar; for Tait's see Minutes of Royal Commission on Scientific Instruction, 1872, question 9411.Google Scholar

94 ‘Practical Physics’, Nature, (1875), 12, p. 245.Google Scholar

95 W.F. Barrett was lecturer in physics at the Royal School of Naval Architecture in 1867, situated in the same South Kensington building as Guthrie's laboratory from 1872–73 before moving on to direct the physical laboratory at the Royal College of Science in Dublin from 1873, Sviedrys, , op. cit. (2), p. 416.Google Scholar

96 Guthrie, F., ‘Teaching Physics’, Journal of the Society of Arts, (1886), 34, p. 660.Google Scholar

97 Weinhold, A.W., Introduction to Experimental Physics, Theoretical and Practical, (trans Loewy, B.), London, 1875.Google Scholar

98 One particularly notorious example of this is Todhunter, Isaac, The Conflict of Studies, London, 1873, pp. 67.Google Scholar

99 G.G. Foster, preface to Weinhold, , op. cit. (97).Google Scholar

100 Barrett, W.F., ‘Practical Physics’, Nature, (1875), 11, p. 245, (emphasis added).Google Scholar

101 Cf. quote from Foster, G.G., op. cit. (1).Google Scholar

102 The number of pupils attending these science classes, for example, rose from 10 230 to 48 546 in this period, ‘Science Education from Below’, op. cit. (89), p. 205.Google Scholar

103 Idem.

104 Minutes of the Select Committee on the Education of the Industrial Classes, 1868Google Scholar, appended ‘Correspondence Relative to Technical Education’.

105 Idem.

106 Danvers, F.C., ‘International Exhibitions’, Quarterly Journal of Science, (1867), p. 499.Google Scholar

107 Quoted in Nature, (1882), 16, p. 236 (emphasis added).Google Scholar

108 Minutes of Select Committee on Scientific Instruction, 1868Google Scholar, question 2116.

109 The delegates present included: Earls Granville, Russell Lichfield;MPs of all parties including Bernard Samuelson, Dr Lyon Playfair, C.B.; Henry Cole, C.B. (Secretary of the Science and Art Department); Lieut-Col. A. Strange; representatives of Chambers of Commerce from Wakefield, Macclesfield, Manchester, Birmingham, Huddersfield, Coventry; Academics and men of science including Professor W.G. Adams (King's College London) Professor J.G. Greenwood (Principal, Owens College, Manchester); Professor T. H. Huxley F.R.S. (Royal School of Mines); Professor G.D. Liveing (University of Cambridge), Michael Foster and Professor Fleeming Jenkin F.R.S. (University College London); Professor W.J.M. Rankine (Glasgow University), Journal of the Society of Arts, (1868), 14, pp. 183184.Google Scholar

110 This sub-committee consisted of T.H. Huxley and Edward Frankland—Frederick Guthrie's colleagues at the Royal School of Mines as well as Fleeming Jenkin, A.C. Williamson and T.A. Hirst—George Carey Foster's colleagues at University College, London, Journal of the Society of Arts, (1868), 16, p. 62.Google Scholar

111 Journal of the Society of Arts, (1868), 16, pp. 633637.Google Scholar

112 Gore, G., ‘On Practical Scientific Instruction’, Quarterly Journal of Science, (1870), 7, pp. 215229.Google Scholar

113 Ibid., pp. 215–216.

114 Ibid., pp. 217–219.

115 In 1868 Whitworth received the Albert medal from the Society of Arts ‘for the invention and manufacture of instruments of measurement and uniform standards by which the production of machinery has been brought to a degree of perfection hitherto unapproached, to the great advancement of Arts, Manufactures and Commerce’ Journal of the Society of Arts, (1868), 16, p. 528Google Scholar; also Rolt, L.T.C., Victorian Engineering, London, 1970, pp. 134136.Google Scholar

116 ‘Sir Joseph Whitworth (1803–1887)’, Dictionary of National Biography.

117 Hearnshaw, F.J.C., A Centenary History of King's College London, London, 1929, p. 299.Google Scholar

118 A.B.W. Kennedy, College Correspondence, 17/11/1874, UCL Archives.

119 Kennedy, A.B.W., ‘The Place of Colleges in Engineering Training’, Engineering, (1875), 20, p. 316.Google Scholar

120 Idem.

121 A.B.W. Kennedy, College Correspondence 15/2/1877. UCL Archives.

122 A.B.W. Kennedy, College Correspondence 18/2/1879, UCL Archives.

123 Kennedy, A.B.W., ‘The Use and Equipment of Engineering Laboratories’, Proceedings of the Institute of Civil Engineers, (1886), 88, pp. 7073.Google Scholar

124 Sviedrys, , op. cit. (2), pp. 409415, 418420.Google Scholar

125 Minutes of Royal Commission on Scientific Instruction and the Advancement of Science, 1871Google Scholar, question 6901, 6930, 6938, 6941.

126 Minutes of Royal Commission on Scientific Instruction and the Advancement of Science, 1871Google Scholar, question 7793; emphasis added.

127 Op. cit. (125), question 6892.

128 Op. cit. (126), question 7782.

129 Op. cit. (126), questions 7792–7795.

130 Minutes of Royal Commission on Scientific Instruction and the Advancement of Science, 1870Google Scholar, question 3023.

131 Ibid., question 3099.

132 The industrial classes were defined by the DSA as ‘all those in receipt of weekly wages, small tradesmen whose income does not exceed £200 per annum, the children of any of these, all attendants at Public Elementary Schools, together with the teachers and teacher pupils of such, and the students in the Training Colleges which receive grants from the Education Department’, cited in ‘Science Education from Below’, op. cit. (89), p. 204.Google Scholar

133 Guthrie, , op. cit. (96), p. 660Google Scholar; emphasis added.

134 20th Report of the Department of Science and Art, (1873), p. xi.Google Scholar

135 Op. cit. (89), p. 206.Google Scholar

136 Thomson, W., op. cit. (10), p. 411.Google Scholar