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‘Kriegsgeologen and practical men’: military geology and modern memory, 1914–18

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 January 2009

Roy Macleod
Roy Macleod
Affiliation:
Department of History, University of Sydney, New South Wales, Australia2006.
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Extract

By 1918, four years of total war had produced a complete mobilization of scientists, scholars and their institutions throughout Europe, the British Empire, and the United States. Public men spoke freely of the implications of a ‘technological war’ run by engineers and chemists. And in the years following the Armistice, historians were eager to record the achievements of the professions, and the effects of the war on their self-image. Memories of the First World War, as Paul Fussell reminds us, remain and shape the texture of our daily life. The parapet, wire and mud have become permanent features of human existence. In a similar way, the war of 1914–18 had enduring consequences for science and scientists, rarely appreciated until the end of the Second World War. Scholars and savants deserted their classrooms for the trenches, industries and war offices, while professional bodies turned themselves into useful extensions of military departments. By October 1914, the infamous Professors' Manifesto, with its Appeal to the Cultured Peoples of the World had identified German science with German war aims, and the natural sciences were fully at war. Scientific knowledge applied to the war was – at one and the same time – a fulfilment of the Enlightenment project of reason, and a violation of the Enlightenment ethos of humanism and internationalism.

Type
Research Article
Information
The British Journal for the History of Science , Volume 28 , Issue 4 , December 1995 , pp. 427 - 450
Copyright
Copyright © British Society for the History of Science 1995

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References

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106 See Gelfand, Lawrence E., The Inquiry: American Preparations for Peace, 1917–1919, New Haven, 1963Google Scholar. Brooks surmised that more German and Allied geologists were engaged in the study of strategic mineral deposits than were employed on military problems (Brooks, , op. cit. (12), 123Google Scholar). For one of his own strategic contributions, see ‘The Lorraine iron field and the war’, Engineering and Mining Journal (1920), 109, 1065–9.Google Scholar

107 See Baker, F. W. G., The International Council of Scientific Unions: A Brief Survey, Paris, 1988.Google Scholar

108 See SirHolland, Thomas, ‘The international relationship of minerals’, Presidential Address, Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, South Africa, 1929, 22–37Google Scholar; Leith, C. K. et al. , World Minerals and World Peace, Washington, DC, 1943.Google Scholar

109 Cf. Pogue, Joseph, ‘Mineral resources in war and the bearing on preparedness’, The Scientific Monthly (1917), 5, 120–34.Google Scholar

110 McCormmach, Russell, ‘On academic scientists in Wilhelmian Germany’, Daedalus (1974), 103, 157–71Google Scholar. See also Bessel, Richard, Germany after the First World War, Oxford, 1994.Google Scholar

111 Schroeder-Gudehus, Brigitte, Les Scientifiques et la paix: La communauté scientifique internationale au cours des années 20, Montreal, 1978Google Scholar; Lyons, F. S. L., Internationalism in Europe, 1815–1914, Leiden, 1963Google Scholar; and Crawford, Elisabeth, Shinn, Terry and Sörlin, Sverker (eds.), Denationalizing Science: The Context of International Scientific Practice, Dordrecht, 1992.Google Scholar

112 See Forman, Paul, ‘Scientific internationalism and the Weimar physicists: the ideology and its manipulation in Germany after World War I’, Isis (1973), 64, 151–80Google Scholar. To the best of my knowledge, no comparable study has yet been made of Weimar geologists.