Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 January 2009
Although phrenology has begun to receive serious attention as a doctrine of mind, as popular science, as part of medical history, as a vehicle for social and ideological interests, and as an important component of American and European (especially British) culture in the early nineteenth century, there is one aspect of it which has evaded the eye of contemporary historians.’ This is the place within phrenology of the understanding of human sexuality. This is a subject of manifest general historical interest, and one whose neglect by scholars seems all the more striking once it is recognized that phrenologists themselves often judged it the most crucial, the best evidenced, and the most impressive part of their system of beliefs. In turning for the first time to phrenological attitudes to sex, my objective in what follows is not to offer an exhaustive treatment but rather to set down the broad lines of development followed by organological and phrenological doctrines. It is hoped that this will encourage and enable historians to consider the subject in further detail and from other perspectives. Other topics of research may also be suggested by the material that is presented here. For example, if phrenology was as important in the early decades of the nineteenth century as is now widely accepted, and if the views of sexual instinct within the theory and practice of phrenology were of the kind which I shall suggest, then it may be that our general attitudes to sexuality during the period under consideration stand in need of reassessment. This is an issue to which I hope to devote a further article; for the moment, a presentation of materials within a mainly expository framework may serve a valuable function.
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73 Ibid., III, p. 167.
74 Ibid., III, p. 172.
75 Ibid., III, p. 172.
76 Ibid.
77 Ibid., III, pp. 180–183.
78 Ibid., III, pp. 184–185.
79 Ibid., III, pp. 189–200.
80 Ibid., III, p. 198.
81 Gall devotes some 120 pages to his discussion of the sexual instinct, that is roughly six times the length he allows any other. Its importance to Gall is further shown by the size of the organ (cerebellum), its role in man's well-being and in the perpetuation of the species. Gall reports that he wrote a Traité sur l'instinct de la propagation in 1818, but I can find no other record of this (see OFB, III, p. 178).Google Scholar
82 See ibid., III, p. 158.
83 Combe maintains that he published the work at his own expense in a letter to Elliotson, John, 10 03 1838Google Scholar, NLS 7388, fo.8.
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85 Ibid., III, p. 152.
86 Ibid., III, p. 161.
87 Ibid., III, p. 155 (my emphasis); and Gall, F.J., Vimont and Broussais, On the Functions of the Cerebellum, by Drs Gall, Vimont, and Broussais, translated from the French by George Combe: also Answers to the Objections urged against Phrenology by Drs Roget, Rudolphi, Prichard, and Tiedermann; by George Combe and Dr A. Combe, Edinburgh, 1838, p. 12.Google Scholar
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91 Combe, George, A System of Phrenology, 5th edn, 2 vols., Edinburgh, 1843, I, pp. 183–184Google Scholar; Hewlett C. Watson in a review of The Anatomy of the Brain, fell into Latin and French (see ‘The Anatomy of the Brain’, PJ, VII, (1832), 31, pp. 434–444, p. 441).Google Scholar
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96 A translation of Gall's defence against the charges made against him by the Viennese authorities makes this clear (NLS 7449, ff. 32–49, published in Functions of the Cerebellum, pp. 309–339, see especially p. 312).Google Scholar
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98 See ‘notices’, PJ, III, 10, 1826, pp. 324–325Google Scholar (which reports the Courant article of 20 March 1825 or 1826). In his notebooks, Combe relates how discussions of physiology seemed to attract rather than deter ladies: ‘The forenoon lectures were attended chiefly by ladies, and when the physiological subjects were introduced, the number of ladies doubled, and mothers brought their daughters and fathers brought their sisters’ (NLS 7440, fo. 138).
99 See for an example, ‘Dunfermline Phrenological Society’, PJ, VII, (1832), 29, pp. 246–250, 247.Google Scholar
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103 See Combe, 1821–1826 Notebook, NLS 7408, ff. 49, pp. 53–56; and Functions of the Cerebellum, pp. 181–188.Google Scholar
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106 Mayo, Herbert, Outlines of Human Physiology, London, 1837, p. 245Google Scholar; Carpenter, W.B., Principles of Human Physiology, 5th edn., London, 1857, pp. 522–523Google Scholar; Prichard, J.C., Treatise on Insanity and Other Disorders affecting the Mind, London, 1835, p. 482CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Solly, Samuel, The Human Brain; Its Structure, Physiology and Diseases, 2nd edn., London 1837, p. 323.Google Scholar See also the reprint from Dr Noble's The Brain and its Physiology in ‘On the insufficiency of the evidence on which some physiologists attribute to the cerebellum functions related to certain muscular actions’, PJ, XX, (1847), 92, pp. 251–268Google Scholar, with comments by an anonymous phrenologist.
107 See Jeffrey, Francis, ‘Phrenology’, Edinburgh Review, (1826), LXXXVIII, pp. 253–318, 314.Google Scholar
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119 Vimont, J., Traité de Phrénologie Humaine et Comparée, 2 vols., Paris, 1822–1825, II, p. 242Google Scholar; see also the discussion in II, pp. 230–245.
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122 Ibid., III, p. 208.
123 Ibid., III, pp. 208–209.
124 For example, in Browne, W. A.F., Observations on Religious Fanaticism, London, 1835Google Scholar, reviewed in PJ, X, (1836), 46, pp. 532–545.Google Scholar
125 A strong anti-clericalism is also to be found in Voisin, Felix's De l'Homme Animal, Paris, 1839, pp. 81–88Google Scholar; the author says that of 31 priests he knew, 26 had been condemned for rape! (see p. 86).
126 OFB, III, p. 146.Google Scholar
127 Ibid., III, p. 142.
128 Ibid., III, p. 146.
129 See Porter, Roy, ‘Mixed feelings: the enlightenment and sexuality in eighteenth-century Britain’, in Boucé, Paul Gabriel (ed.), Sexuality in Eighteenth-Century Britain, Manchester, 1982, pp. 1–27.Google Scholar
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134 See Grant, A. Cameron, ‘New light on an old view’ Journal of the History of Ideas, XXIX, (1968), 2, pp. 293–301, 294CrossRefGoogle Scholar; his ‘Combe on phrenology and freewill: a note on XlXth-century secularism’, Journal of the History of Ideas, (1965), XXVI, pp. 141–147Google Scholar; de Giustino, David, Conquest of Mind, pp. 140–145Google Scholar; and Combe, George, Life and Dying Testimony of Abram Combe, in Favour of Robert Owen's New Views of Man and Society, London, 1844.Google Scholar These all offer useful perspectives, but none of them treat the issue of sexuality.
135 See Combe, , ‘Phrenology and Mr Owen’, PJ, I, (1824), 3, pp. 463–466.Google Scholar
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140 See on this Taylor, Barbara, Eve and the New Jerusalem, London, 1983, p. 42f.Google Scholar; and Saville, J., ‘Robert Owen on the family’, in Cornforth, M. (ed.), Rebels and Their Causes, London, 1978.Google Scholar
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144 See Combe, ibid., p. 229. Other similar statements may be found in ‘Letter to the Editor on Marriage’, PJ, II, (1825), 6, pp. 178–180Google Scholar; Anon., ‘Owenism and phrenology’, PJ, IX, (1834), 46, pp. 489–494Google Scholar; and Smith, William Hawkes, ‘Remarks on the application of phrenology as a test of the practicality of socialism’, PJ, XIII, (1840), XIII, pp. 119–128Google Scholar; also Combe in 1820–1821 Notebook, NLS 7407, fo. 20; and Combe, to Smith, W. Hawkes, 28 08 1838, NLS 7388, fo. 82.Google Scholar
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148 This image has often been presented as the colonization of the sexual by external modes of thought and metaphors. Thus, the sexual becomes taken over by military metaphors especially in the arena of contraception (see for examples, Wood, C. and Suitters, B., The Flight for Acceptance: A History of Contraception, Aylesbury, 1970, pp. 93, 96Google Scholar; Sontag, S., Illness as Metaphor, London, 1979, p. 66)Google Scholar. Or economic metaphors are used (see examples, Britain, Ian, Fabianism and Culture, Cambridge, 1983, pp. 116–117Google Scholar; Walters, Ronald C., Primers for Prudery, New Jersey, 1974, pp. 34, 87Google Scholar; de Vries, Leonard and Fryer, Peter (eds), Venus Unmasked or an Inquiry into the Nature and Origin of the Passion of Love, London, 1967, p. 8)Google Scholar. Elsewhere and rather later, energy models are deployed (see Beecher, Catherine E. and Beecher Stowe, Harriet, The American Woman's Home (1869), Hartford, 1975, pp. 111, 255Google Scholar; Skultans, Vieda, Madness and Morals: Ideas of Insanity in the Nineteenth Century, London, 1975, p. 18Google Scholar; Sontag, , Illness, p. 64Google Scholar: Hall, Ruth (ed.), Dear Or Stopes, London, 1978, p. 164)Google Scholar. And (not finally) the electricity model (see Rosenberg, Charles E., ‘Scientific theories and social thought’, in Barnes, Barry (ed.), Sociology of Science, Harmondsworth, 1972, pp. 292–308, 294–275Google Scholar; Wilson, Colin, Origins of the Sexual Impulse, London, 1966, pp. 24–26Google Scholar; and Aspiz, Harold, ‘The body electric: science, sex, and metaphor’, Walt Whitman Review, (1978), 24, 4, pp. 137–142)Google Scholar. It would not be difficult to compile an inventory of the metaphorical approaches to sex and sexuality during the nineteenth century; more difficult would be to account for these satisfactorily. At present Susan Sontag's brilliant but slender volume is one of the best attempts we possess.
149 Anon., ‘On the natural supremacy’ (see note 132 above). As a contrast, see Anon., ‘On the influence of amativeness on the higher sentiments and intellect’, PJ, II, (1825), 7, pp. 391–407.Google Scholar The latter was judged important to merit and to receive translation into French (see ‘Notices’, PJ, IV, 15, 1826, p. 477).Google Scholar
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163 Paul Julius Möbius, Franz Joseph Call. Möbius also wrote an article which I have not seen: ‘Uber Galls specielle Organologie’, Carl Christian Schmidt's Jahrbücher der Medicin (formerly Jahrbücher der in- und ausländichen gesammten Medicin), CCLXVII, 1900. As far as Freud is concerned, he certainly knew of Gall's work (see for example, Jung to Freud, 6 July 1907, in McGuire, William ed., The Freud/Jung Letters, London, 1974, p. 73)Google Scholar. Möbius was impressed by the way Gall had apparently described the relation of hysteria and sexuality (as in the case study we reported above) and this forms a central plank in his assessment of Gall's work. In the ‘Preliminary Communication’ to the Studies on Hysteria, Freud (and Breuer) say that Möbius held ‘similar views on hysteria to ours’. The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud (ed. Strachey, John), 24 vols., London, 1953–1973, II, p. 8nGoogle Scholar; see also pp. 186–188, 190–191, 215, 243, 248n. Later, Freud says that much of the information in his first of Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality is taken from Möbius and others (Complete Works, VII, p. 135n)Google Scholar. For further information on this interesting link, see Jones, Ernest, Sigmund Freud: Life and Work. Vol. I. The Young Freud, 1856–1900, London, 1953, p. 323n, p. 405Google Scholar; Sulloway, Frank J., Freud, Biologist of the Mind, London, 1980, p. 279Google Scholar; Ellenberger, Henri F., The Discovery of the Unconscious, New York, 1970, pp. 289, 292, 302, 375Google Scholar and passim; and Levin, Kenneth, Freud's Early Psychology of the Neuroses, Hassocks, 1978, pp. 67–68, 186–188.Google Scholar
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