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Veneration, Translation and Reform: The Lives of Saints and the English Catholic Community, c.1600–1642
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 February 2015
Abstract
This article considers the impact of Catholic reform within the English Catholic community in the first half of the seventeenth century through an examination of hagiographical works published between c.1600 and 1642. In addition to the continuing popularity of regional saints in English Catholic devotion, a significant number of hagiographical texts were produced from the early seventeenth century onward, offering English Catholics a varied subject matter of contemporary and traditional saints. Particular attention is given to hagiographical accounts translated into English, the largest sub-category within this genre of literature. In doing so, this article illustrates that there was a conscious choice made by Catholic reformers and translators to place the cult of saints in England within the wider initiatives of Tridentine reform. This study also considers the accessibility of continental works for an English audience, and stresses the importance of examining the development of English Catholicism in its wider European context.
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1 I would like to thank Christopher Haigh, Boris Chrubasik, Victoria Van Hyning, Robert Wainwright and the anonymous reviewers for their remarks on earlier drafts. I also would like to thank the participants at the ‘Religious Lives: Catholic Culture in the Early Modern World’ conference for their insightful comments on elements of this paper.
2 St, Bonaventure, The life of the holie father S. Francis, trans. Brown, A. (Douai, 1610, RSTC 3271), sig. iir.Google Scholar
3 For example, the Protestant polemist John Gee listed a number of hagiographical texts that were ‘sold at a high rate’ in London in the early seventeenth century, which alludes to availability of this genre of devotional literature. However, given the cost and dangers associated with producing Catholic works, their inclusion in John Gee's list might also suggest that hagiographies were popular among the English Catholic community, see Gee, J., The foot out of the snare: with a detection of sundry late practices of the priests and Jesuits (London, 1624,Google Scholar RSTC 11701).
4 Walsham, A., ‘“Domme Preachers”? Post-Reformation English Catholicism and the Culture of Print’, Past & Present 168 (2000), pp. 72–123,CrossRefGoogle Scholar at p. 80. Elsewhere Walsham has suggested that texts could act as partial substitutes for liturgy and rite, see idem, ‘Preaching without Speaking: Script, Print, and Religious Dissent’, in Crick, J. and idem (eds.), The Uses of Script and Print, 1300—1700 (Cambridge, 2004), pp. 211–34 at pp. 226 Google Scholar and 232.
5 See especially, Walsham, A., The Reformation of the Landscape: Religion, Identity, & Memory in Early Modern Britain & Ireland (Oxford, 2011).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
6 Ditchfield, S., ‘Tridentine Worship and the Cult of Saints’, in Po-Chia Hsia, R., Reform and Expansion, 1500—1660 (Cambridge History of Christianity 6, 2007), pp. 201–24, at p. 206.Google Scholar
7 Burke, P., ‘How to be a Counter-Reformation Saint’, in von Greyerz, K. (ed.), Religion and Society in Early Modern Europe, 1500—1800 (London, 1984), pp. 45–54, at p. 46.Google Scholar Claire Copeland has recently noted, with reference to Italian scholarship, that the creation of the Congregation of Rites in 1588 did not mark the beginning of a renewed period of saint-making, as the preparation of the first saint for canonisation had begun in 1587, see Copeland, C., ‘Saints, Devotions and Canonisation in Early Modern Italy’, History Compass 10 (2012), pp. 260–9, at p. 261.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
8 Ditchfield, ‘Tridentine Worship’, 207.
9 Walsham, A., ‘Holywell: Contesting Sacred Space in Post-Reformation Wales’, in Coster, W. and Spicer, A. (eds.), Sacred Space in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 2005), pp. 211–36;Google Scholar idem, ‘Sacred Spas? Healing Springs and Religion in Post-Reformation Britain’, in Heal, B. and Grell, O. P. (eds.), The Impact of the European Reformation (Aldershot, 2008), pp. 209–30;Google Scholar Scully, R. E., ‘St Winefride's Well: The Significance and Survival of a Welch Catholic Shrine from the Early Middle Ages to the Present Day’, in Cormack, M. (ed.), Saints and their Cults in the Atlantic World (Columbia, 2007), pp. 202–28.Google Scholar See also, McClain, L., Lest we be Damned: Practical Innovation and Lived Experience among Catholics in Protestant England, 1559—1642 (New York and London, 2004), pp. 152–7.Google Scholar
10 For example, see Foley, H., Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus (London, 1875–1883), vol. 4, pp. 121–33, 199–201;Google Scholar Gennings, J., The life and death of Mr Edmund Geninges priest, crowned with matyrdome at London, at 10 November MDXCI (St Omer, 1614, RSTC 11728), pp. 91–4.Google Scholar See also, Walsham, A., ‘Miracles and the Counter-Reformation to England’, Historical Journal 46 (2003), pp. 779–815 CrossRefGoogle Scholar esp. pp. 794–9; Myers, A. M., ‘Father John Gerard's Object Lessons: Relics and Devotional Objects in Autobiography of a Hunted Priest ’, in Corthell, R. (ed.), Catholic Culture in Early Modern England (Notre Dame, 2007), pp. 216–35.Google Scholar For the appropriation of new religious spaces, see McClain, L., ‘Without Church, Cathedral, or Shrine: The Search for Religious Space among Catholics in England, 1559–1625’, Sixteenth Century Journal 33 (2002), pp. 381–99.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
11 See A&R.
12 Raymund of Capua, The life of the blessed virgin, sainct Catherine of Siena, trans. J. Fen (n.p. [Douai], 1609, RSTC 4830). For a list of translated vitae published after 1609, see the list of titles in the appendix.
13 Gallonio, A., The life of Philip Nerius, trans. Woodhead, A. (Paris, 1659,Google Scholar Wing G181). Further publications of translated hagiographies were as follows: J-B, Saint-Jure, The Holy Life of Monr De Renty, trans. E[dward]., S[heldon] (London, 1658,Google Scholar Wing S334); [Assarino, Luca, L.], The Life of St. Anthony of Padoua, trans. Burbury, J. (Paris, 1660,Google Scholar Wing L2035C); Augustine, St, The Lifeof St Augustine, trans. by [Woodhead, A.] (London, 1660,Google Scholar Wing A4211); W. B., An Abridgement of the life of S. Francis Xavierus, (St Omer, 1667, Wing B205A); Bouhours, D., The life of St Ignatius, (London, 1685,Google Scholar Wing, B3826); idem, The life of St. Francis Xavier of the Society of Jesus, trans. J. Dryden (London, 1688, Wing B3825).
14 For a discussion on the process of canonisation and the implications it had for the saint-making, see Burke, ‘How to be a Counter-Reformation Saint'; Ditchfield, ‘Tridentine Worship’.
15 A&R 288, 360, 689, 781, 782, and 894.
16 For the impact this might have had on sanctity, see Copeland, C., ‘Sanctity’, in Bamji, A., Janssen, G. J. and Mary, Leven (eds.), The Ashgate Research Companion to the Counter-Reformation (Aldershot, 2013), pp. 225–42 at 228–31.Google Scholar
17 The Lives of Teresa of Avila and Maddalena de Pazzi and Teresa of Avila were translated before their beatifications in 1614 and 1621 respectively. For details of the hagiographies, see A&R 545 and 783. Gregory Lopez was canonised in 1752, yet a translation of his Life was published in 1638. The Life of Dephine of Sabran was published together with that of her husband Elzear of Sabran in 1638, and while Elzear of Sabran was canonised in 1369, Dephine of Sabran was only beatified in 1694. Finally, the Life of Catherine of Bologna was translated into English alongside the Rule of St Clare in 1621; she was beatified in 1703 and canonised in 1712. For bibliographical details on the Lives of Gregory Lopez, Delphine of Sabran, and Catherine of Bologna, see A&R 119, 399 and 802. Of the contemporary saints in the texts, Capuchin Angel Joyeuse and Juana Vázquez de la Cruz were not canonised.
18 Copeland, ‘Saints, Devotions and Canonisations’, p. 263. For the lengthy process of canonisation, see Ditchfield, ‘Tridentine Worship’, pp. 209–11.
19 See A&R 265, 315, 388, 390, 399, 409 and 773.
20 Nine of thirteen medieval saints were Franciscans. The remaining texts recounted the lives of two Benedictines, one Dominican and one Brigittine. For the English Franciscan convents, see Guilday, P., The English Catholic Refugees on the Continent, 1558–1795 (London, 1914), ch. 8;Google Scholar Walker, C., Gender and Politics in Early Modern Europe: English Convents in France and the Low Countries (Basingstoke, 2003), ch. 1, esp. pp. 8–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
21 At least four hagiographies translated in this period make reference to miracles associated with food: Puccini, V., The life of the holy and venerable mother suor Maria Maddalena de Patzi, trans. G.B. [Matthew, T.] (St Omer, 1619,Google Scholar RSTC 20483), ch. 8; Daza, A., The historie, life, and miracles, extasies and revelations of sister Joane, of the crosse, trans. Bell, F. (St Omer, 1625,Google Scholar RSTC 6185), ch. 7; Paludanus, F., A short relation, of the life, of S. Elizabeth. Queenof Portugall, trans. Francis, C. [Greenbury] (Brussells, 1628,Google Scholar RSTC 19167), ch.4; Wadding, L., The history of the angelicall virgin glorious S. Clare, trans. Augustine, M. [Bentley, C. or Evelinge, E.?] (Douai, 1635,Google Scholar RSTC 24924), ch. 23. For the relationship between female spirituality and food, see Walker Bynum, C., Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Foodto Medieval Women (Berkeley, 1987).Google Scholar See also, Bell, R. M., Holy Anorexia (Chicago, 1985);Google Scholar Walker Bynum, C., Fragmentation and Redemption: Essays on Gender and the Human Body in Medieval Religion (New York, 1991), ch. 4;Google Scholar Jantzen, G. M., Power, Gender and Christian Mysticism (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 207–16.Google Scholar Aers, Cf. D. and Stanley, L., The Powers of the Holy: Religion, Politics, and Gender in Late Medieval English Culture (University Park, PA, 1996), pp. 28–42.Google Scholar
22 Luria, K. P., ‘“Popular Catholicism” and the Catholic Reformation’, in Comerford, K. M. and Pabel, H. M. (eds.), Early Modern Catholicism: Essays in Honour of John W. O'Malley, SJ (Toronto, 2001), pp. 117–21;Google Scholar Cameron, E., ‘For Reasoned Faith or Embattled Creed? Religion for the People in Early Modern Europe’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser, 8 (1998), pp. 165–87.Google Scholar For an English context, see Walsham, ‘Miracles and the Counter-Reformation to England’.
23 Puccini, The life of the holy and venerable mother suor Maria Maddalena de Patzi, sig. **3v.
24 For the growing ambivalence toward female mysticism, see Caciola, N., Discerning Spirits:Divine and Demonic Possession in the Middle Ages (New York, 2003);Google Scholar Elliott, D., Proving Woman: Female Spirituality and Inquisitional Culture in the Later Middle Ages (Princeton, 2004).Google Scholar See also, Jantzen, Power, Gender and Christian Mysticism, ch. 4. For an English context, see Walsham, ‘Miracles and the Counter-Reformation to England’.
25 The exception to this trend in the Life of Francis Xavier.
26 Burke, ‘How to be a Counter-Reformation Saint’, pp. 49–50.
27 Pedro, de Ribadeneira, The life of the B. father Ignatius of Loyola, trans. W. M. [Walpole, M.] (St Omer, 1616,Google Scholar RSTC 20967); reprinted in 1622 with the title The life of the holy patriarch(RSTC 20968); Cepari, V., The life of B. Aloysius Gonzaga of the Society of Jesus, trans. R. S[tanford?] (Paris [St Omer], 1627,Google Scholar RSTC 4912); Lancicius, M., The glory of the B. father S. Ignatius of Loyola, founder of the Society of Jesus, trans. Anon. (Ghent, 1628,Google Scholar RSTC 15188.3); Torsellino, O., The admirable life of S. Francis Xavier, trans. F[itzherbert], T. (Paris [St Omer], 1632,Google Scholar RSTC 24140).
28 Lancicius, The glory of the B. father S. Ignatius of Loyola, chs. 18–21.
29 For bibliographical details, see above, n. 27.
30 Members of the Society of Jesus are writers and/or translators of Lives of: Teresa of Avila, Elizabeth of Hungary, Ignatius of Loyola, Maria Maddalena de Pazzi, Aloysius Gonzaga, Francis Xavier, Aldegond of Hainault, and Elzear and Dephine of Sabran. See A&R 783, 409, 781, 782, 894, 545, 689, 288, 390 and 399. A connection between printing presses and the Society of Jesus can likewise be made with the Lives of Catherine of Siena, Juana Vazquez de la Cruz, Francis of Assisi, and Marcos da Silvas’ accounts of Poor Clare saints. See A&R 52, 92, 119–20, 272.
31 E. Ferguson, ‘Religion by the Book: Negotiating Catholic Devotion in Post-Reformation England, 1570–1625’, unpubl. DPhil diss. Oxford 2011, p. 242; for a comprehensive annotated list of Catholic literature in English, see A&R. For a brief comparison of the differences between the texts associated with the Society of Jesus and other religious orders, see Ferguson, ‘Religion by the Book’, pp. 242–4.
32 Guilday, The English Catholic Refugees on the Continent, pp. 164–7, 259, 278–9; Walker, Gender and Politics in Early Modern Europe, pp. 44, 131, 134–43 and 147.
33 According to Gerard, among the books he translated were Ignatius of Loyola's Spiritual Exercises, The Dialogues of Saint Gregory and Jerome Platus’ De Bono Statu Religiosi, see Gerard, J., John Gerard: The Autobiography of an Elizabethan, trans. Caraman, P. (London, 1951), p. 29.Google Scholar
34 Ibid, p. 28.
35 James Sharp, born in Bradford in the West Riding of Yorkshire, entered the English College at Valladolid on 12 June 1602 and was ordained a priest on 14 April 1604. He was admitted as a member of the Society of Jesus in 1607–8 and was sent to England. After three years on the mission he returned to continent where he taught Hebrew and Latin at the English College at Louvain. He returned to England briefly in 1611 and again (under the name Francis Pollard) between 1621 and 1628. See ‘Father James Sharpe's Recollections of the Yorkshire Mission’, in Morris, J. (ed.), The Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers Related by Themselves, vol. iii (London, 1877), pp. 441–70;Google Scholar Cliffe, J. T., ‘Babthorpe Family’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography Online (Oxford, 2004).Google Scholar
36 Morris, Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers, iii, pp. 467–8.
37 Mush, J. ‘A True Report of the Life and Martyrdom of Mrs. Margaret Clitherow’, in Morris, Troubles, iii (London, 1877), pp. 360–432.Google Scholar For an analysis of Mush's account see Claridge, M., Margaret Clitherow (15567—1586) (London, 1966);Google Scholar Cross, C., ‘An Elizabethan Martyrologist and his Martyr: John Mush and Margaret Clitherow’, in Wood, D. (ed.), Martyrs and Martyrologies (Studies in Church History 30, 1993), pp. 271–81;Google Scholar Dillon, A., The Construction of Martyrdom in the English Catholic Community, 1535—1603 (Aldershot, 2002), ch. 6;Google Scholar Lake, P. and Questier, M., ‘Margaret Clitherow, Catholic Non-Conformity, Martyrology and the Politics of Religious Change in Elizabethan England’ Past & Present 185 (2004), pp. 43–90;CrossRefGoogle Scholar see also, idem, The Trials of Margaret Clitherow. Persecution, Martyrdom and the Politics of Sanctity in Elizabethan England (London, 2011).Google Scholar
38 Rhodes, J. T., ‘English Books of Martyrs and Saints of the Late Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’, Recusant History 22 (1994), pp. 7–25 at pp. 12–13.CrossRefGoogle Scholar A connection can also be made to the exiled Benedictine Syon Abbey, as it likewise contains a number of hagiographical texts in its collection published in this same period.
39 The Life of Maria Maddalena de Pazzi was dedicated to the Benedictine abbess, Lady Mary Percy (A&R 545); the Life of Juana Vazquez de la Cruz was dedicated to Poor Clare nuns, Margaret and Elizabeth Radcliffe (A&R 52); the Life of Elizabeth of Portugal was dedicated to the abbess of the English Franciscan monastery at Brussels, Katherine Francis (A&R 360); the Life of Elizabeth of Hungary was dedicated to Lady Jane Englefield A&R (409). Given the description in the preface to the Life of Catherine of Siena, it is likely that this text was also dedicated to an Englishwoman in one of the convents on the continent (A&R 272).
40 Wadding, L./Hendricq, F., The history of the angelicall virgin glorious S. Clare, trans. Augustine, M. [Bentley, C. or Evelinge, E.?] (Douai, 1635,Google Scholar RSTC 24924); Marcos, da Silva, Therule of our holy mother S. Clare, togeather with the admirable life of S. Catharine of Bologna, trans. [Evelinge, E.? or Bentley, C.?] (n.p. [St Omer], 1621,Google Scholar RSTC 5350.7); idem, The life of the glorious virgin S. Clare. Togeather with the life of S. Agnes her sister. And of another S. Agnes. Also the rule of S. Clare. And the life of S. Catharine of Bologna, trans. [Evelinge, E.? or Bentley, C.?] (St Omer, 1622,Google Scholar RSTC 5350).
41 Teresa of Avila, The lyf of Mother Teresa of Jesus, trans. M. Walpole (Antwerp, 1611, RSTC 23948.5); idem, The flaming hart or the life of the glorious S. Teresa, trans. Matthew, T. (Antwerp, 1642,Google Scholar Wing 753); Binet, E., The admirable life of S. Aldegonde princesse and found-resse of the dames chanonesses of Maubeuge in Haynalt, trans. H. A. [Hawkins, H.] (Paris [St Omer], 1632,Google Scholar RSTC 3073.3); Surius, The life of S. Catherine a princely virgin, and widdow of Suecia, daughter to S. Brigit, trans. J. Falconer (St Omer, 1632, RSTC 10676.5); The history of S. Elizabeth daughter of the king of Hungary. According to sundry authours, trans. H. Hawkins (Rouen, 1632, RSTC 12957); Mathieu, P., The historie of S. Elizabeth daughter of the king of Hungarie, trans. H[awkins], T. (Brussells, 1633,Google Scholar RSTC 17663).
42 See, for example, Marcos, da Silva, ‘The admirable life of S. Catharine of Bologna’, in idem, The rule of our holy mother S. Clare, togeather with the admirable life of S. Catharine of Bologna, trans. [Evelinge, E.? or Bentley, C.?] (n.p. [St Omer], 1621,Google Scholar RSTC 5350.7); Paludanus, A short relation, of the life, of S. Elizabeth; Binet, E., ‘The life of S. Delphina and wife of Saint Elzear, Count of Arian’, in idem, The lives and singular vertues of saint Elzear, count of Sabran, and of his wife the blessed countesse Delphina, both virgins and married, trans. H[awkins], T. (n.p. [Rouen], 1638,Google Scholar RSTC 3073.7).
43 For bibliographical references, see above, n. 42.
44 This conclusion is based on the affiliation of the translators of the texts with the English convents.
45 Korsten, F., ‘Introductory Note’, in Travistky, B. S. and Lake Prescott, A. (eds.), Elizabeth Evelinge I (Printed Writings, 1500–1640,Google Scholar pt. 3, vol. 3, The Early Modern Englishwoman: A Facimile Library of Essential Works 1, 2002), pp. ix-xv; J. and Blom, F., ‘Introductory Note’, in Travistky, B. S. and Lake Prescott, A. (eds.), Elizabeth Evelinge II (Printed Writings, 1500–1640,Google Scholar pt. 3, vol. 5, The Early Modern Englishwoman: A Facimile Library of Essential Works 1, 2002), pp. ix-xvi; Walker, C., ‘Introductory Note’, in Travistky, B. S. and Lake Prescott, A. (eds.), Elizabeth Evelinge III (Printed Writings, 1500–1640,Google Scholar pt. 4, vol. 1, The Early Modern Englishwoman: A Facimile Library of Essential Works 1, 2006), pp. ix–xviii; A&R 117–18 and 120.
46 Goodrich, J., ‘“Ensigne-Bearers of Saint Clare”: Elizabeth Evelinge's Early Translations and the Restoration of English Franciscanism’, in White, M. (ed.), English Women, Religion, and Textual Production, 1500—1625 (Farnham, 2011), pp. 94–100.Google Scholar
47 See also Goodrich's analysis on how Elizabeth's Evelinge's translations sought to strengthen Franciscanism in the convent, ibid.
48 Marcos, da Silva, The chronicle and institution of the order of the seraphicall father S. Francis, trans. [Cape, W.] (St Omer, 1618,Google Scholar RSTC 11314.2); Goodrich, ‘“Ensigne-Bearers of Saint Clare”’, p. 92.
49 Da Silva, The chronicle and institution, sig. A2r.
50 Bonaventure, The life of the holie father S. Francis, sig. a2v.
51 For a description of the establishment of the Second English Franciscan province, see Guilday, The English Catholic Refugees, pp. 286–7.
52 These Franciscans whose lives are described in eight hagiographical accounts are as follows: Francis Assisi, Catherine of Bologna, Clare of Assisi, Agnes of Assisi, Angel Joyeuse, Juana Vazquez de la Cruz, Elizabeth of Portugal, and Elizabeth of Hungary. For bibliographical information on this vitae, see A&R 52, 92, 117–18, 120, 360, 388, 409, and 687.
53 Guilday, The English Catholic Refugees, p. 288.
54 Ibid, p. 291.
55 Gregory, The second booke of the dialogues of S. Gregorie containinge the life and miraclesof S. Benedict, sig. A3r-v.
56 Ditchfield, S., ‘An Early Christian School of Sanctity’, in idem Christianity and Communityin the West (Aldershot, 2001) pp. 183–205.Google Scholar
57 Binet, The lives and singular vertues of saint Elzear, count of Sabran, and of his wife the blessed countesse Delphina.
58 For the careful and deliberate construction of Teresa of Avila's autobiography during her lifetime and the restrictions on its publication in the immediate years following her death, see Weber, A., Teresa of Avila and the Rhetoric of Femininity (Princeton, 1990),Google Scholar ch. 2; Slade, C., Saint Teresa of Avila: Author of a Heroic Life (Berkeley, 1995),Google Scholar ch. 1; Ahlgren, G., Teresa of Avila andthe Politics of Sanctity (Ithaca, 1996),Google Scholar chs. 3 and 5.
59 Scott, K., ‘St. Catherine of Siena, “Apostola”’, Church History 61 (1992), 34–46,CrossRefGoogle Scholar at p. 36. For medieval examples of the connection between medieval female mystical union with Christ, see, for example, Matter, E. A., ‘Mystical Marriage’, in Scaraffia, L. and Zarri, G. (eds.), Womenand Faith: Catholic Religious Life in Italy from Late Antiquity to the Present (Cambridge, MA, 1999), pp. 31–41;Google Scholar McGinn, B., ‘The Abyss of Love: The Language of Mystical Union among Medieval Women’, in Elder, E. R. (ed.), The Joy of Learning and the Love of God: Studiesin Honor of Jean Leclercq (Kalamazoo, MI, 1995), pp. 95–120;Google Scholar Holywood, A., The Soul as Virgin Wife: Mechthild of Magdeburg, Marguerite Porete, and Meister Eckhart (Notre Dame and London, 1995), ch. 3;Google Scholar Keller, H. E., My Secret is Mine: Studies on Religion and Eros in the German Middle Ages (Zurich, 2000),Google Scholar esp. ch. 3; Walker Bynum, C., Holy Feast and Holy Fast, pp. 153–61;Google Scholar Jantzen, Power, Gender and Christian Mysticism, pp. 137–49.
60 Daza, The historie, life, and miracles, sig. *3v.
61 Ibid., chs. 6 and 8.
62 For example, see Puccini, The life of the holy and venerable mother suor Maria Maddalena de Patzi, chs. 10, 14 and 18.
63 For comparison, see S. Haliczer's discussion of the appeal of female mystics among women in Spain in his work Between Exaltation and Infamy: Female Mystics in the Golden Age of Spain (Oxford, 2002), pp. 27–31.
64 This connection between female sanctity, mysticism and monastic orders has been argued elsewhere: Zarri, G., ‘Female Sanctity, 1500–1660’, in Po-Chia Hsia, R., Reform and Expansion, 1500—1660 (Cambridge History of Christianity 6, 2007), pp. 180–200,Google Scholar at 198.
65 Among the themes presented were: examining one's conscience, remedies against temptation, explanations on how to carry out prayer and the spiritual benefits of thinking about Christ's humanity, see Teresa of Avila, The lyf of Mother Teresa of Jesus, chs. 8–19. Gaspar de Loarte, Cf., The exercise of a Christian life, trans. [Brinkley, S.] (n.p. [London], 1579,Google Scholar no RSTC number); Luis, de Granada, A memoriall of a Christian life. Wherein are treated all such thinges, as apperteyne vnto a Christian to doe, trans. Hopkins, R. (Rouen, 1586,Google Scholar RSTC 16903).
66 Bossy, J., ‘The Counter-Reformation and the People of Europe’, Past & Present 47 (1970), p. 62.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
67 Paludanus, A short relation, of the life, of S. Elizabeth, ch. 3.
68 Binet, The lives and singular vertues of Saint Elzear, count of Sabran, pt. 2, ch. 7.
69 Mush, ‘A True Report of the Life and Martyrdom of Mrs. Margaret Clitherow’.
70 Ibid, pp. 390–4.
71 The Lady Anne Vaux provided assistance to a number missionaries including Garnet. See, for example, Foley, Records of the English Province, vol. 1, pp. 461–2; The National Archives, State Papers 12/152/97; 12/179/1; 12/249/75; 14/17/13; 14/19/16; 14/216/70; 14/216/121; 14/216/242.
72 Ribadeneira, The life of the B. father Ignatius of Loyola, sig, A2v–r.
73 Torsellino, The admirable life of S. Francis Xavier, sig. A2v.
74 Cepari, The life of B. Aloysius Gonzaga, sig. *1v.
75 Foley, Records of the English Province, vol. 1, p. 532; Questier, M., Catholicism and Community in Early Modern England: Politics, Aristocratic Patronage and Religion, c. 1550—1640 (Cambridge, 2006), p. 395.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
76 Haigh, C., ‘From Monopoly to Minority: Catholicism in Early Modern England’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser, 31 (1981), 129–47, at p. 142.Google Scholar
77 Cepari, The life of B. Aloysius Gonzaga, sig. *2v.
78 Although the Lady D. I. is not identified, she was most likely an Englishwoman who belonged to one of the Third Orders of St Francis.
79 Raymund of Capua, The life of the blessed virgin, sainct Catherine of Siena, sig. A8r.
80 According to the account, the six eldest brothers were martyred first. Their mother was then interrogated and refused to eat the flesh of the pig. Antiochus then had her youngest son brought before him, thinking that the mother would encourage her youngest son to obey the command of the king. To Antiochus’ surprise, the mother sacrificed the life of her son (and herself) for her religious beliefs.
81 Antiochus IV had ordered the deaths of children, women and the elderly in Jerusalem, and defiled the temple. According to the story, the temple was dedicated to Olympian Zeus and the altar was adorned with pagan items. Jewish law was outlawed and Dionysiac customs were introduced. The story of conflict under Antiochus IV is documented in 2 Macc. 2–8., esp. 2 Macc. 5.
82 See above, n. 31.
83 On the survival of British saints, see above, n. 9.
84 Within the same period, only three Lives of individual British saints were published: Porter, J., The flowers of the lives of the most renowned saincts of the kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland (Douai, 1632,Google Scholar RSTC 20124); Robert, Prior of Shrewsbury, The admirable life of Saint Wenefride virgin, martyr, abbesse, trans. J. F[alconer] (n.p. [St Omer], 1635, RSTC 21102); Baronius, C., The life or the ecclesiasticall historie of S. Thomas archbishope of Canterbury, trans. A. B. (Cologne [Paris], 1639,Google Scholar RSTC 1019).
85 See above, n. 32.
86 The verbatim texts are (with A&R numbers in brackets): RSTC 4830 (272); 23948.5 (783); 11314.2 (357); 20483 (545); 4912 (689); 6185 (52); 15188.3 (894); 24140 (288); 3073.3 (390); 17663 (409); 3073.7 (399); 16828 (802); Wing 753. The texts with minor changes are: 3271 (92); 19167 (360); 20967 (781); 20968 (782); 3902 (687); 12350 (315). The texts taken from larger collections are: 5350.7 (119); 5350 (120); 12957 (388); 24924 (773); 10676.5 (265). Information on the translation of RSTC 19167 is taken from J. and Blom, F. (eds.), Catherine Greenbury and Mary Percy (Aldershot, 2006), p. xiii.Google Scholar
87 Questier, Catholicism and Community in Early Modern England, p. 317.
88 Ibid., p. 331–2.
89 Questier argues that as James began to renege on his initial promises to Catholics, Montague came forward as he sought a significant part in the leadership of the Catholic community, ibid., pp. 271–2.
90 Haliczer, Female Mystics in the Golden Age of Spain, p. 60.
91 Teresa of Avila, The flaming hart or the life of S. Teresa, trans. Matthew, T. (Antwerp, 1642,Google Scholar Wing 753).
92 Bilinkoff, J., The Avila of Saint Teresa: Religious Reform in a Sixteenth-Century City (Ithaca, 1989), p. 200.Google Scholar
93 Ibid.
94 Parsons, G., The Cult of Saint Catherine of Siena: A Study in Civil Religion (Aldershot, 2008), pp. 30 and 34;Google Scholar F. T. Luong argues that Catherine of Siena's ‘real’ and constructed image must be placed in the context of Sienese and Italian politics, see his The Saintly Politics of Catherine of Siena (Ithaca, 2006).
95 Raymund of Capua, The life of the blessed virgin, sainct Catherine of Siena, part 3, chs. 15–21.
96 While this study is limited to printed texts, it is, of course, possible that her political writings circulated in manuscript form.
97 See especially: Walsham, ‘Miracles and the Counter-Reformation to England’; Dillon, The Construction of Martyrdom in the English Catholic Community.
98 Robert, Prior of Shrewsbury, The admirable life of Saint Wenefride virgin, martyr, abbessetranslated into English by IF. of the Society of Jesus (n.p. [St Omer], 1635, RSTC 21102). J. T. Rhodes has also identified a work on the life of Saint Edward the Confessor written by Jerome Porter in 1710, see Rhodes, ‘English Books of Martyrs and Saints’, p. 11 and n. 52. For recent examinations of Holywell's importance as an important site for pilgrimage, see also A. Walsham, ‘Sacred Spas?’ and R.E. Scully, ‘St. Winefride's Well’.
99 Baronius, C., The life or the ecclesiastical historie of S. Thomas archbishop of Canterbury, trans. Lassels, R. (Cologne, 1639,Google Scholar RSTC 1019). Two biographies of Sir Thomas More were also published in the early seventeenth century, see A&R 547 and 688. Additionally, we might add to the list the biographies of Margaret Clitherow and Lady Magdalen, Viscountess of Montague. Several editions of John Mush's account of Margaret Clitherow's life has been printed: An Abstracte of the Life and Martirdome of Mistres Margaret Clitherowe (Mechline, 1619, No STC number), Mush, J., Life and Death of Margaret Clitherow, ed. William, Nicolson (London, 1849)Google Scholar and ‘A True Report of the Life and Martyrdom of Mrs. Margaret Clitherow’, in Morris, Troubles, iii (London, 1877), pp. 360–432. Lady Magdalen, Viscountess of Montague's life was published in English as follows: Richard, Smith, The life of the most honourable and virtuous lady the La. Magdalen Viscountesse Montague, trans. C[hristopher?]., F[Davenport?] (n. p. [St Omer], 1609,Google Scholar RSTC 22811).
100 J. B., A treatise with a kalendar, and the proofes thereof, concerning the holy-daies and fasting-daies in England (n.p.d. [Printed secretly in England, c.1608], RSTC 1047).
101 Ibid, p. 5.
102 Rhodes, ‘English Books of Martyrs and Saints’, p. 10.
103 A treatise with a kalendar, pp. 10–11.
104 Persons, R., ‘A Storie of Domesticall Difficulties in the Englishe Catholike Cause’, in Pollen, J. H. Miscellanea II, CRS 2 (London, 1906), cap. 26 at pp. 176–7.Google Scholar
105 Orme, N., Nicholas Roscarrock (St Endellion, 2000), pp. 8–13;Google Scholar idem, ‘Nicholas Roscarrock (c.1548–1633/4)’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography Online (Oxford, 2004).
106 Porter, J., The flowers of the liues (Douai, 1632,Google Scholar RSTC 20124). According to A&R, the second tome was never printed.
107 Ibid, sig. a3v. Despite the similarities between the content of Porter's The flowers of the liues and Wilson's The English Martyrologe, the texts are not identical. Both contain quite a number of saints which do not appear in the other text. Most obviously, on days with no British saints’ feasts, Wilson placed the names of ‘our ancient Saintes’ that have no proper festivities in the English Catholic church.
108 Wilson, J., The English martyrologe conteyning a summary of the liues of the glorious and renowned saintes of the three kingdomes, England, Scotland, and Ireland…By a Catholicke priest (St Omer, 1608,Google Scholar RSTC 25771), sig. *2v.
109 Worthington, T., A catalogue of martyrs in England: for profession of the Catholique religion, since the yeare of our Lord, 1535…vnto this yeare 1608 (n.p.d. [Douai?, 1608],Google Scholar no RSTC number).
110 Martyrologium Romanum was first published in 1583 by Pope Gregory XIII. A second edition was published in the same year. The third edition, published in 1584, was made obligatory. Further editions were published, including in 1586 and 1589 by Ceasar Baronio. Martyrologium Romanum contains an extensive list of the saints and martyrs recognised by the Catholic Church, according to the order of their feasts. Martyrologium romanum ad novam kalandarii rationem, et ecclesisaticae historiae veritatem (Rome, 1583). Although it likely circulated in England, it was not published in English until 1627: The Roman martyrologe, according to the reformed calendar faithfully translated out of Latin into English, by G.K. of the Society of Iesus (St Omer, 1627, RSTC 17533).
111 Persons, R., A treastise of three conuersions of England from paganisme to Christian religion. Divided into three parte s. (n.p., 1603,Google Scholar RSTC 19416).
112 Villegas, A., Flos Sanctorum. The liues of saints. Written in Spanish by…Alfonso Villegas, trans. W. and Kinsman, E. (n.p.d. [1609],Google Scholar RSTC 24730). Reprinted in 1610, 1614, 1615, 1621, 1623, 1628, 1630, 1634, 1636, 1638 (A&R 477–86).