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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 September 2018
Despite receiving particular praise from a range of early modern commentators, from Nicholas Sander to Pedro de Ribadeneyra, most historians have seen the Italian merchant Antonio Buonvisi playing a fairly negligible role in the history of mid-Tudor Catholicism. This article challenges this interpretation. After reassessing some rather simplistic assessments of Buonvisi’s religious beliefs, this article explores his actions and activities following his self-imposed exile from England in 1549. Using research conducted in both the State Archives of Lucca and the Vatican City, it suggests that Buonvisi played a far more significant role in ensuring the survival of English Catholicism over the first decades of the Reformation than is usually acknowledged. Indeed, it argues that Buonvisi may have helped lay core foundations for the Catholic restoration of Mary I’s reign, the success of which has recently been highlighted by historians such as Eamon Duffy.
I should like to thank my supervisor, Professor Alexandra Walsham, Dr Anne Overell and the two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on an earlier version of this article, as well as the archivists of the Archivio Segreto Vaticano, the Archivio di Stato di Lucca and the Inner Temple, London, for making this research possible. This research was funded through a generous grant from the Arts and Humanities Research Council.
1 Rossi, Giacomo, Il Tomaso Moro opera scenica dedicata all'eminentiss. sig. Francesco card. Buonvisi vescovo di Lucca recitata nel suo seminario (Lucca, 1692)Google Scholar.
2 Ibid., 42-3 [N.B. all translations, unless otherwise indicated, are the author’s own]:‘Mo. Al vostro impero soggettiamo la nostra vita./Buon. Al vostro Nume offeriamo la nostra morte./Mo. Disponete./Buon. Comandate./Rel. Voi, Tomaso, spargete per me dalle vene il sangue. Voi Buonviso, aprite per me vene di preciosi metalli: di due diverse imprese una sarà la mercede, e di due diversi mattirii sarà un’istessa corona.’
3 Ibid., 161, 164 – ‘Continuate gli atti della vostra generosita a pro de fedeli’; ‘Amico, io vi aspetto. Al mio fianco voi sederete Compagno della mia quiete inalterabile.’
4 Ibid., sig. † 1r – ‘Dedicata all’eminentiss. Sig. Francesco Card. Buonvisi, Vescovo di Lucca’.
5 Rossi compares the Cardinal’s valour with that of Antonio, Ibid., sig. † 2v – ‘All’imprese di Antonio in favor della Cattolica Religione fu Teatro l’Inghilterra, all’imprese di V. E. in difesa della Fede è stato Teatro la Germania, & il Mondo tutto, che ha corrisposto con applausi al valore della sua mente, e della sua mano’.
6 Gaspare De Caro, ‘Buonvisi, Francesco’, Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (hereafter DBI), 90 vols. to date (Rome: Enciclopedia Italiana, 1960 – ), 15 (1972) [http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/francesco-buonvisi_(Dizionario-Biografico). Accessed 11 June 2018].
7 Sander, Nicholas, De origine ac progressu schismatis anglicani (Rome, 1585)Google Scholar. References here are taken from the Victorian translation by Lewis, David, Rise and growth of the Anglican schism (London, 1877), 200 Google Scholar. For the complex history of this work, see Highley, Christopher, “A Pestilent and Seditious Book’: Nicholas Sander’s Schimatis Anglicani and Catholic Histories of the Reformation’, in Paulina Kewes (ed.), The Uses of History in Early Modern England (San Marino, CA.: University of California Press, 2006), 147–167 Google Scholar.
8 Sander, Rise and Growth, 202.
9 Sander, Nicholas, De origine ac progressu schismatis Anglicani, libri tres (Ingolstadt, 1586)Google Scholar. The author of these changes is a matter of some debate, however both Thomas Mayer and Joseph Simons suggest Allen as the most likely candidate. For an overview of the debate, see Highley, “A Pestilent and Seditious Book”, 149–150.
10 Sander, De origine...libri tres, 229 – ‘...insignem poetatem aeterna erit illius apud Anglos memoria’; Pollini, Girolamo, Storia ecclesiastica della Rivoluzione d’Inghilterra (Bologna, 1591)Google Scholar, printed in Piero Rebora, Civiltà Italiana e Civiltà Inglese: Studi e Ricerche (Florence: Le Monnier, 1936), 71 – ‘Per la cui segnalata pietà e singulare amorevolezza, sarà la memoria sua appresso gl’Inglesi eterna’.
11 Weinreich trans., Spencer J., Pedro de Ribadeneyra’s Ecclesiastical History of the Schism of the Kingdom of England: A Spanish Jesuit’s History of the English Reformation (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 353 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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14 C. T. Martin, rev. Basil Morgan, ‘Bonvisi, Antonio (1470×75–1558), merchant’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (hereafter ODNB); online edn September 2004
[http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/2860. Accessed 11 June 2017]. This is inaccurate on multiple points of Buonvisi’s early life. A far more accurate portrait, based on extensive archival research, is sketched by Michele Luzzati, ‘Buonvisi, Antonio’, DBI, 15 (1972) [http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/antonio-buonvisi_(Dizionario-Biografico). Accessed 11 Jun 2018]. See also McCutcheon, Elizabeth, ‘“The Apple of My Eye’” Thomas More to Antonio Bonvisi, a Reading and a Translation’, Moreana, 18 (1981): 37–56 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
15 Bratchel, ‘Italian Merchant Organization’, 12–15.
16 Ibid., 15–16.
17 See for example: Kew, The National Archives, State Papers (hereafter TNA, SP) 1/27, fo. 3r; TNA, SP 1/47, fos. 138r-139v, at fo. 138r; London, The British Library (hereafter BL), Cotton MS Vitellius B 11, fos. 94r-103v, at fo. 94r; TNA, SP 1/53, fos. 220r-221v, at fo. 221r; TNA, SP 1/55, fo. 9r.
18 TNA, SP 1/51, fos. 70r-71v; Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, 21 vols, ed. J. S. Brewer, J. Gardiner & R. H. Brodie (London, 1862–1910) (hereafter L&PFD), 4 (1), no. 1865.
19 L&PFD, 12 (2), no. 1512; Outhwaite, R. B., ‘The Trials of Foreign Borrowing: The English Crown and the Antwerp Money Market in the Mid-Sixteenth Century’, The Economic History Review, 19 (1966): 289–305 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 290–1. For Buonvisi’s role in securing loans for the English king, see the many letters of Stephen Vaughan in the mid-1540s: TNA, SP 1/188 fos. 174r-177v, 189r-190v; SP 1/189, fos. 123r-126v, 209r-211v; SP 1/190, fos. 31r-32v, 58r-59v, 81r-82v, 164r, 201r-202v, 214r-216r, 218r-219v; SP 1/191, fos. 12r-13v, 36r-38v, 227r.
20 ‘Copia del testamento di Antonio di Benedetto Buonvisi’, 26 Oct 1553, Archivio di Stato di Lucca, Archivio Buonvisi, 1, n. 64, insert 5, fos. 1r-12v.
21 Ibid., fo. 3r-v – ‘pregando di quore la sua glorissa madre li degni intercedere per la remissione dei miei peccati’.
22 As a number of scholars have recently demonstrated, exile could have a transformative effect on religious beliefs. See, for example, Janssen, Geert, ‘The Exile Experience’, in A. Bamji, G. H. Janssen & M. Laven eds, The Ashgate Research Companion to the Counter-Reformation (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013), 73–90 Google Scholar, esp. 81.
23 All quotes below are taken from the translation provided by Elizabeth McCutcheon, ‘ “The Apple of My Eye” ’, 55–6.
24 Ibid., 56.
25 Ibid., 55.
26 Ibid., 40–1.
27 Quoted and translated in Ibid., 41.
28 Strype, John, Ecclesiastical memorials; relating chiefly to religion, and the reformation of it, and the emergencies of the Church of England, under King Henry VIII. King Edward VI. and Queen Mary the First, 3 vols. (London, 1721)Google Scholar, 3 (2): 492–3.
29 L&PFD, 8, no. 856 (38, 39, 45, 47); TNA, SP 1/126, fo. 134r-v.
30 L&PFD, 5, no. 941; Calendar of State Papers Spain (hereafter CSPS),14 vols (London: H. M. S. O., 1862–1954), 4 (2), no. 934. The details surrounding Peto’s flight are rather hazy. For a comprehensive survey of the evidence, see Keith Brown, ‘The Franciscan Observants in England, 1482–1559’ (Oxford, DPhil Thesis, 1986), 137–47; T. F. Mayer, ‘Peto [Peyto], William (c. 1485–1558)’, ODNB, online edn September 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/22043. Accessed 27 May 2018].
31 L&PFD, 6, nos. 899, 900, 917.
32 TNA, SP 1/80, fos. 5r-6v, at fo. 5v.
33 Martin, ‘Bonvisi, Antonio’, ODNB.
34 TNA, SP 1/26, fo. 108r; TNA, SP 1/47, fos. 138r-139v, at fo. 138r. See also TNA, SP 1/50, fo. 138r; TNA, SP 1/50, fo. 207r.
35 TNA, SP 1/57, fo. 88r. The author of this letter asked Cromwell to recommend him to Buonvisi and ‘to our other mutual friends’ – ‘ad gli altri nostri comuni amici’. For other examples of this friendship see, TNA, SP 1/73, fo. 166r; TNA, SP 1/82 fo. 143r.
36 TNA, SP 1/102, fos. 106r-110v, at fo. 107v – ‘rimanendo sempre desideroso di poterli fare servitio’.
37 TNA, SP 1/102, fo. 170r-171v, at fo. 170r – ‘innata humanita e benginita’.
38 BL, Cotton Vitellius B 14, fos. 226r-227v; TNA, SP 1/102, fos. 106r-110v; TNA, SP 1/102, fos. 170r-172v, TNA, SP 1/102, fos. 174r-175v; BL, Cotton Vitellius B 14, fo. 158r; TNA, SP 1/103, fos. 156r-157v; TNA, SP 1/103, fos. 220r-223v.
39 Florens Wilson to Starkey, 21 Nov 1535, BL, Cotton MS Nero B 6, fo. 20r; Mayer, Thomas, Thomas Starkey and the Commonwealth: Humanist Politics and Religion in the Reign of Henry VIII (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 216 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
40 Starkey, Thomas, A Preface to the kynges hyghnes (London, 1536)Google Scholar, fo. 44v.
41 Ibid., fo. 45v.
42 Mayer, Thomas Starkey, 282.
43 Luzzati, ‘Buonvisi, Antonio’, DBI.
44 Bratchel, ‘Italian Merchant Organization’, 14–15; Buonvisi to Cromwell, 28 Feb 1536, TNA, SP 1/102, fos. 106r-110v, at fo. 106v – ‘diuersi chapitoli a nuove havute da lucha retratte da persone possano bene intendere li’.
45 Nelson, Eric, ‘Utopia through Italian Eyes: Thomas More and the Critics of Civic Humanism’, Renaissance Quarterly, 59 (2006): 1029–1057 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 1041–2; Firpo, Luigi, Studi sull’Utopia: Raccolti da Luigi Firpo (Florence, 1977), 52 Google Scholar.
46 ‘Copia del testamento di Antonio di Benedetto Buonvisi’, fo. 3v – ‘pregare per le anime di mio Padre, Madre, l’anima di miei fratelli, sorelle, e tutte miei parenti’.
47 Rex, Richard, ‘Humanism’, in Andrew Pettegree ed, The Reformation World (London: Routledge, 2000), 51–70 Google Scholar, at 62. In Italian scholarship, this movement is often referred to as ‘Evangelismo’. For an English-language overview of this complex historiography see Patrick Robinson, Adam, The Career of Cardinal Giovanni Morone (1509–1580): Between Council and Inquisition (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012), 4–10 Google Scholar.
48 Adorni-Braccesi, S., ‘Religious Refugees from Lucca’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 88 (1997): 338–379 Google Scholar, at 341–2; Braccesi, Adorni, ‘Una Città infetta’: La repubblica di Lucca nella crisi religiosa del Cinquecento, (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1994), 53–77 Google Scholar, 84–7; Peter Grell, Ole, Brethren in Christ: A Calvinist Network in Reformation Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 25 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The phrase ‘trafila erasmiana’ was originally coined by Caponetto, Salvatore, Aonio Paleario (1503–1570) e la Riforma protestante in Toscana (Turin: Claudiana, 1979), 81 Google Scholar.
49 Grell, Brethren in Christ, 24–5.
50 Adorni-Braccesi, ‘Religious Refugees’, 342; Adorni-Braccesi, ‘Una Città Infetta’, 53–60. See also Caponetto, Aonio Paleario, 80–1.
51 Ortensio Lando, Forcianae quaestiones, in quibus varia Italorum ingenia explicantur, multaque alia scitu non indigna (Naples [sic – Lyon], 1535); Adorni-Braccesi, ‘Religious Refugees’, 342; Adorni-Braccesi, ‘Una Città infetta’, 107–8; Firpo, Luigi, Studi sull’Utopia (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1977), 52 Google Scholar; Nelson, ‘Utopia through Italian Eyes’, 1042; S. Adorni-Braccessi & Simone Ragagli, ‘Lando, Ortensio’, in DBI, 63 (2004) [http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/ortensio-lando_(Dizionario-Biografico). Accessed 11 June 2018].
52 BL, Cotton MS Nero B 6, fo. 20r; TNA, SP 1/102, fos. 106r-110r; TNA, SP 1/102, fos. 170r-172r; TNA, SP 1/102, fo. 174r-v; BL, Cotton MS, Vitellius B 14, fo. 158r; TNA, SP 1/103, fos. 156r-157v; L&PFD, 13 (1), no. 1512. For Buonvisi’s partnership in the Lyons firm, see Bratchel, ‘Italian Merchant Organisation’, 15.
53 Baker Smith, Dominic, ‘Antonio Buonvisi and Florens Wilson: A European Friendship’, Moreana, 43 (2006):82–108 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 83, 94–8.
54 L&PFD, 8, no. 856 (43).
55 BL, Cotton MS, Nero B 6, fo. 20r – ‘Lugduni in aedibus A. Bonuisii’.
56 Baker-Smith, ‘Antonio Buonvisi’, 98.
57 Baker-Smith, Dominic, ‘Florens Wilson and his circle: emigres in Lyons, 1539–1543’, in Grahame Castor & Terence Cave eds, Neo-Latin and the Vernacular in Renaissance France (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), 83–97 Google Scholar.
58 Guggisberg, Hans R., Sebastian Castellio 1515–1563: Humanist and Defender of Religious Toleration in a Confessional Age. Translated by Bruce Gordon (Farnham: Ashgate, 2002), 15 Google Scholar.
59 Adorni-Braccesi, ‘Religious Refugees’, 342–3; Adorni-Braccessi & Ragagli, ‘Lando, Ortensio’.
60 Wilson, Florens, Commentatio quaedam theologica, quae eadem precatio est, de industria tanquam in aphorismos dissecta (Lyon, 1539)Google Scholar.
61 Baker-Smith, ‘Antonio Buonvisi’, 100–2.
62 John Durkan, ‘Wilson, Florence (d. in or after 1551)’, ODNB, online edn September 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/28352. Accessed 27 May 2018].
63 Florens Wilson, De animi tranquillitate dialogus (Lyons, 1543).
64 Durkan, ‘Wilson, Florence’; Baker-Smith, ‘Antonio Buonvisi’, 106. For a more detailed look at Wilson’s De animi tranquillitate see MacDonald, Alasdair A., ‘Florentius Volusenus and Tranquillity of Mind: Some Applications of an Ancient Ideal’, in Arie Johan Vanderjagt, A. A. MacDonald, Z. R. W. M. von Martels & Jan R. Veenstra eds, Christian Humanism: Essays in honour of Arjo Vanderjagt (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 119–138 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 128.
65 Quoted in Baker-Smith, ‘Antonio Buonvisi’, 103 – ‘tota familia Bonvisiana’.
66 Wilson, Florens, De animi tranquillitate dialogus (Frankfurt, 1760), 209–210 Google Scholar – ‘egregii illius et singularis viri Antonii Bonvisii’.
67 A conclusion which enforces the point, made by a number of scholars, that humanists were not ‘guaranteed recruits’ for the Reformation: see Rex, ‘Humanism’, 62.
68 On which see, for example, Lewycky, Nadine and Morton, Adam eds, Getting Along? Religious Identities and Confessional relations in early modern England: Essays in Honour of Professor W. J. Sheils (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012)Google Scholar, passim.
69 See above. N.B. It is unlikely that Buonvisi would ever have been offered an oath of supremacy since he was never appointed to any official governmental or ecclesiastical position, and therefore did not fall within the remit of the 1536 Act for Extinguishing the Authority of the Bishop of Rome: see Gray, Jonathan, Oaths and the English Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 78–79 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
70 The varying motives, principled and pragmatic, that might have inspired conformity with the Royal Supremacy have been explored by Shagan, Ethan, Popular Politics and the English Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 44–51 Google Scholar.
71 As Aysha Pollnitz has recently demonstrated, Henrician polemicists deliberately exploited Erasmian humanist arguments in justifying the Royal Supremacy, claiming that Henry ‘was acting to reform clerical ignorance and correct papal neglect of divine law on his subjects’ behalf’. However disingenuous, such arguments may well have appealed to an individual like Buonvisi. Pollnitz, Aysha, Princely Education in Early Modern Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 112–125 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 114.
72 Acts of the Privy Council of England (hereafter APC), 45 vols, ed. J. R. Dasent, E. G. Atkinson, J. V. Lyle, R. F. Monger, P. A. Penfold (London: H. M. S. O,, 1890–1964), 2:129; Marshall, Peter, Heretics and Believers: A History of the English Reformation (London: Yale University Press, 2017), 307–308 Google Scholar. One might conjecture that the most likely cause of Parys’s ire was Thomas Cranmer’s homily ‘of good woorkes annexed unto faithe’, Certayne sermons, or homelies appoynted by the kynges Maiestie, to be declared and redde, by all persones, vicars, or curates, euery Sondaye in their churches, where they haue cure (London, 1547), sigs. h 1v-k 2v, esp. its denunciation of ‘papisticall supersticions’ at sig. k 1r.
73 Fry, G. S. ed, Abstracts of Inquisitiones Post Mortem For the City of London: Part 1 (London: British Record Society, 1896), 115 Google Scholar.
74 Wriothesley, Charles, A Chronicle of England during the reigns of the Tudors, 1485–1559, ed. W. H. Hamilton, 2 vols. (London: Camden Society, 1875–7), 2:34 Google Scholar.
75 Marshall, Heretics and Believers, 335.
76 Ibid., 328–31.
77 Virgoe, Roger & Swales, R. J. W, ‘Story, John (c.1504–71)’, in S. T. Bindorff ed, The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1509–1558, 3 vols (London: Secker and Warburg, 1982), 3:387 Google Scholar.
78 Luzzati, ‘Buonvisi, Antonio’, 297–8.
79 CSPS, 13, no. 357.
80 Sander, Rise and Growth, 180.
81 Erler, Mary C., Reading and Writing during the Dissolution: Monks, Friars and Nuns 1530–1558 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 117–118 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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83 McCutcheon, ‘“The Apple of My Eye”’, 56.
84 ‘Will of John Story’, 1552, Inner Temple Library, Petyt MS 538/47, fos. 66r-68r; Sander, De Origine, 200; ‘Copia del testamento’, fo 6r; Roger Ascham to Edward Raven, 20 Jan 1551, in J. A. Giles (ed.), The Whole Works of Roger Ascham, 4 vols. (London, 1865), 1 (2):254; Jonathan Dean, ‘Catholicae Ecclesiae Unitatem: Nicholas Harpsfield and English Reformation Catholicism’ (Unpublished PhD Thesis, Cambridge, 2004), 47.
85 Woolfson, Jonathan, Padua and the Tudors: English Students in Italy 1485–1603 (Cambridge: James Clarke & Co., 1998), 213 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sander, Rise and Growth, 200.
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87 ‘Will of John Story’, fo. 67v.
88 McConica, English Humanists and Reformation Politics, 271; Jonathan Wright, ‘Christopherson, John (d. 1558)’, ODNB; online edn September 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/5373. Accessed 27 May 2018]; Reynolds, Margaret Roper, 130; ‘Copia del testamento’, fo. 5v; J. Löwe, Andreas, Richard Smyth and the Language of Orthodoxy: Re-imagining Tudor Catholic Polemicism (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 43–51 Google Scholar.
89 ‘Will of John Story’, fo. 67v.
90 Ibid., fo. 68r.
91 John Story to Edward Courtenay, 17 Jun 1555, Rawdon Brown et al eds, Calendar of State Papers Relating to English Affairs in the Archives of Venice (hereafter CSPV), 38 vols. (London: H. M. S. O., 1864–1947) 6: no. 137.
92 Roper, William, Harpsfield, Nicholas, Lives of Saint Thomas More, ed. E. E. Reynold (London: Dent, 1963), 129 Google Scholar.
93 Anno septimo Eduuardi Sexti actes made in the Parlamente holden at Westminster... (London, 1553), sig. H 3r.
94 The one exception is Eamon Duffy’s passing comments regarding Buonvisi in his Fires of Faith: Catholic England under Mary Tudor (London: Yale University Press, 2009), 181.
95 For a useful overview of the Catholic exiles from Henry’s reign, see Marshall, Peter, Religious Identities in Henry VIII’s England (Farnham: Ashgate, 2006), 227–276 Google Scholar. The number of exiles under Edward has been calculated as part of my own ongoing research on this subject.
96 TNA, SP 1/121, fos. 149r-150v; TNA, SP 1/131, fos. 171r-172v; TNA, SP 1/132, fos. 32r-33v.
97 TNA, SP 1/197, fos. 53r-54v; TNA, SP 1/197, fos. 64r-65v; TNA, SP 1/200, fos. 174r-175v; TNA, SP 1/205, fo. 164v.
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99 ‘Copia del testamento’, fo. 6r. For Baynes’s flight from England, TNA, SP 1/97, fos. 83r-84v, at fo. 84r.
100 Evidence comes from Bale’s, John, A declaration of Edmonde Bonners articles concerning the cleargye of Lo[n]don dyocese (London, 1561)Google Scholar, fo. 43r. See also, Wizeman, William, The Theology and Spirituality of Mary Tudor’s Church (Farnham: Ashgate, 2006), 40 Google Scholar.
101 Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 1, 1306–1571 (London, 1883), nos. 346, 347, 348, 349, 350.
102 Harpsfield, Nicholas, A treatise on the pretended divorce between Henry VIII and Catharine of Aragon, ed Nicolas Pocock (London: Camden Society, 1878), 205 Google Scholar.
103 Archivio Segreto Vaticano (hereafter ASV), Fondo Bolognetti, 94, fo. 29r-v – ‘mio carissimo’; ‘mi sono assai maravigliato, che non mi sia ancora comparsa alcuna lettera vostra’; ‘Ringrazioni dell’ammorevol diligenza usata in avvisarci dell’occorrenze passate, persuaderidomi ch’abbiate ciò fatto molto più’.
104 Parpaglia to Pole, 19 Aug 1553, calendared in Thomas F. Mayer ed., The Correspondence of Reginald Pole (hereafter CRP), 4 vols. (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002–2008), 2: no. 651; 2: no. 659; 2: no. 724; 2: no. 776.
105 ASV, Fondo Bolognetti, 94, fo. 29r-v – ‘mio carissimo’; 94, fo. 212v – ‘amico carissimo’.
106 ASV, Fondo Bolognetti, 94, fo. 212v – ‘amico carissimo’; ‘sapendo la sua solita amorevolezza verso li miei’.
107 CSPS, 12: 20–36.
108 Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, 3 (2): 491. For more on Pole’s preaching in Marian England, see Duffy, Eamon, ‘Cardinal Pole preaching: St Andrew’s Day 1557’, in E. Duffy and D. Loades eds, The Church of Mary Tudor (Farnham: Ashgate, 2006), 176–200 Google Scholar.
109 ‘Booklist of Michael Throckmorton’, Mantua, Archivio di Stato, Registrazioni notarili, 1558 vol. 1, fos. 96v-97r, at fo. 97r, printed in Overell, Anne and Willoughby, James M. W., ‘Books from the Circle of Cardinal Pole: The Italian Library of Michael Throckmorton’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 75 (2012): 111–140 Google Scholar – ‘Le Littere e Conti de mesir Antonio Bonvisi’.
110 ‘Copia del testamento’, fo. 11r.
111 Ibid, fo. 11r.
112 ASV, Segr. Stat., Fiandra, 1, fos. 180r-185v, at fo. 180r.
113 ASV, Segr Stat, Inghilterra, 3, fos. 144r-145v – ‘[Mary] commandadomi a star secreto senza lasciarmi cognoscere da alcuno se fosse possibile, et che a questo effetto io non mi partissi della casa del S. Buonvisi, ma che io stessi li come un Italiano’. N.B. Buonvisi’s London property was returned to him by the new Queen, having been confiscated by the Edwardian government. See De Caro, ‘Buonvisi, Francesco’.
114 CRP, 2, nos. 651, 659, 776.
115 Duffy, Fires of Faith, 181.
116 Foxe, John, The Unabridged Acts and Monuments Online (HRI Online Publications, Sheffield, 2011)Google Scholar [http//www.johnfoxe.org. Accessed 27 May 2018] 1570 edition, 1887.
117 CRP, 3, no. 1522.
118 CRP, 1, nos. 2, 18.
119 ASV, Segr. Stat., Fiandra, 1, fos. 180r-185v, at fo. 180r – ‘...a lovanio, dove stanno redutte da molti anni in qui alcune familglie intiere d’Anglesi catholichissime’.
120 Edwards, John ed, Reforming Catholicism in the England of Mary Tudor: The achievement of Friar Barolome Carranza (Farnham: Ashgate, 2005)Google Scholar, passim; Doran, Susan and Freeman, Thomas S. eds. Mary Tudor: old and new perspectives (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, passim; Evenden, Elizabeth and Westbrook, Vivienne eds, Catholic Renewal and Protestant Resistance in Marian England (Farnham: Ashgate, 2015)Google Scholar, passim. For older interpretations, see Dickens, A. G., The English Reformation (2nd edn, London: B.T. Batsford, 1989), 311 and ch. 12Google Scholar; Loades, David, The reign of Mary Tudor: politics, government, and religion in England, 1553–1558 (2nd edn, London: Longman, 1991), 96–128 Google Scholar.
121 Wizeman, Theology and Spirituality, 251–4; Duffy, Fires of Faith, ch. 9.
122 Duffy, Fires of Faith, 33.
123 Thomas Clement, Nicholas Harpsfield, John Boxall, James Basset and Richard Smyth – see Joyce M. Horn, David M. Smith & William H. Campbell eds, Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1541–1857 (hereafter FEA), 13 vols. (London, 1969–2014), 3 (1974): 15–17; 4 (1975): 22–3, 28–30; 7 (1992): 13–14; 8 (1996): 105–7, 118–22.
124 Whatmore, L.E. ed, Archdeacon Harpsfield’s Visitation 1557, 2 vols. (London, 1950–51)Google Scholar; Mayer, Thomas, Reginald Pole: Prince and Prophet (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 290 Google Scholar.
125 John Boxall, ‘Oration in the presence of the King of Spaine’, BL, Royal MS 12.A.XLIX; Boxall, John, Oratio longe elegantissima, eadémq[ue] doctissima (London, 1555)Google Scholar; Smyth, Richard, A Bouclier of the Catholike Fayth (London, 1554)Google Scholar; Smyth, Richard, The seconde parte of the booke called a Buklar (London, 1555)Google Scholar; Martin, Thomas, Traictise Declarying…that the Pretensed Marriage of Priests...is No Marriage (London, 1554)Google Scholar; Rastell, William, The Workes of Sir Thomas More Knyght (London, 1557)Google Scholar; Harpsfield Lives of Saint Thomas More; Harpsfield, Treatise on the Pretended Divorce; Christopherson, John, An Exhortation to all menne to take hede and beware of rebellion (London, 1554)Google Scholar. Those involved in some way in heresy trials include: John Story, William Rastell, Nicholas Harpsfield, John Boxall, John Christopherson, Richard Smyth, Ralph Baynes, Thomas Martin, Reginald Pole, Richard Pate, Thomas Goldwell. See Foxe, Acts and Monuments Online, 1563 edition, passim.
126 MPs include John Story, William Rastell, James Basset and Thomas Martin – see Bindorff ed, History of Parliament, 1:392; 2:278; 3:179, 386.
127 Eugenio Alberi ed, Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al senato, 3 series, 14 vols. (Florence: Tipografia e calcografia all’insegna di Clio, 1839–1863), series 1, 2:325, 351; Brigden, London, 576.
128 CSPV, 6, no. 1146.
129 Wizeman, Theology and Spirituality, 2, 253.
130 Duffy, Fires of Faith, 195–9.
131 Rossi, Il Tomaso Moro, 163 – ‘voi lasciate essempi cosi chiari di Heroiche virtu, e di sante imprese’.
132 Mayer, Thomas, ‘A Fate Worse than Death: Reginald Pole and the Parisian Theologians’, English Historical Review, 103 (1988): 870–891 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
133 Duffy, Fires of Faith, 40–1.
134 ‘Will of John Story’, fo. 66v.
135 More’s posthumous influence does, of course, far outweigh that of the Italian – see for example McConica, James K., ‘The Recusant Reputation of Thomas More’, in R. S. Sylvester & G. P. Marc’Hadour eds, Essential Articles for the Study of Thomas More (Hamden, CT: Archon Books 1977), 136–149 Google Scholar.