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English Catholics and the French Marriage 1577–81

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 September 2015

J. A. Bossy
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Extract

Some time in the winter or spring of 1576-7, Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, lately back from a tour of the continent, was introduced by his friend Charles Arundell to a seminary priest, Richard Stephens, and became a Catholic. Stephens, an Oxford man recently returned from Douai, had already reconciled, with Arundell, his friends and relatives Lord Henry Howard, the late Duke of Norfolk's brother, and Francis Southwell. As bright young courtiers, they scarcely fall into the category of depressed gentlemen attracted to Rome by economic discontent; but they had about them a certain sense of “outness”, and shared a resentment against the successful Elizabethan families which was at least partly responsible for their conversion. It was less than five years since Norfolk's execution; and Burghley's wardship of Oxford had ended in a marriage to his daughter which was now, like the relations of the two men, severely strained. This discontent led naturally to the idea of upsetting the established system, both in society and in religion; this, they agreed, was what they would work for.

Type
Articles
Information
British Catholic History , Volume 5 , Issue 1 , January 1959 , pp. 1 - 16
Copyright
Copyright © Catholic Record Society 1959

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References

Notes

1. Mauvissière to Henri III, 11 January 1581 (P.R.O. 31/3/28; partly printed by Pollen, J. H., Philip Howard, Earl of Arundel (C.R.S. xxi), p. 29)Google Scholar; to Catherine de Medici, same date (B.N. Fonds français 15973, f. 392v). On relations of Howard and Oxford at this period, Howard to Burghley, 24 July 1577 (B.M. Cotton Titus C vi, f. 27); to ?Oxford, 1 May 1579 (printed by Brooks, E. St. J., Sir Christopher Hatton, p. 253f)Google Scholar. For the identity of the priest, Pollen, op. cit., p. 34; C.S.P. Domestic Addenda 1580-1625, p. 48. It should be noted that the earl to whom Arundell introduces Stephens is evidently not, as Pollen assumes, the Earl of Arundel, but the Earl of Oxford.

2. On Oxford's relations with Burghley, Ward, B.M., The Seventeenth Earl of Oxford, pp. 113–129,Google Scholar 147f, 154f Oxford, in his accusations of 1580 (below, p. 8), said that they had “juré … et signé … qu'ilz feroient tout ce qu'ilz pourroient pour l'advancement de la religion catholicque …” Mauvissière to Henri III, 11 January 1581: above, n. (1).) This may I think be taken as poetic licence.

3. Deposition of Howard, undated, but 1581 (B.M. Cotton Titus C vi, f. 5). The substantial accuracy of Howard's account is supported by the facts that (1) His notes for a defence of passive obedience are still in existence (Ibid., f. 213 & ff.) and (2) The leading part in the negotiations with Mauvissière is taken by Oxford.

4. Henri III to Mauvissière, 12 July 1577 (Le Laboureur, J., Additions aux Mémoires de … Mauvissière, III, p. 520)Google Scholar. The only other person named is “le fils du feu Duc de Nortfolk”—which seems likely to refer rather, by mistake, to Henry Howard, than to Philip, who was not at this time a Catholic, and would presumably have been given his courtesy title of Earl of Surrey.

5. Henri III to Mauvissière, 5 September 1577 (Le, Laboureur, op. cit., III, p. 532).Google Scholar

6. Mauvissière to Henri III, 23 September 1577 (B.N. Cinq Cents de Colbert, 337, f. 662). The jeune seigneur in question is evidently Oxford. For the journey of the two Veres, who never actually got in any fighting, to France, C.S.P. Foreign, 1577-78, Nos. 22, 256, 507 & 542. It seems that Oxford originally intended going himself: (Leicester to Burghley, 13 June 1577 (Hatfield Calendar, II, p. 154).

7. Sir Amyas Paulet to Walsingham, 25 December 1577 (Ogle, J., Copy-book of Sir Amyas Paulet's Letters, p. 224).Google Scholar Also C.S.P. Foreign, 1577-78, Nos. 475 & 496.

8. Mauvissière to Henri III, 11 January 1581 (above, n. 1). The date is fixed by Stephens’ arrival at Douai on 14 July (Knox, T. F., First and Second Diaries of the English College, Douai, p. 125)Google Scholar. He took his baccalauréat at Paris later in the year (B.N. Fonds latin 9955, f. 133) and went to teach theology in the University of Nantes (Archives Nationales G8 259, unnumbered: receipt of 22 September 1602).

9. Mauvissière to Catherine de Medici, 24 November 1577 (P.R.O. 31/3/27).

10. Catherine de Medici to La Mothe Fenelon, 13 September 1572 (Lettres Missives de Catherine de Medicis, iv, p. 123; Correspondence Diplomatique de … La Mothe Fenelon, vii, p. 347). Michelet (La Ligue et Henri IV, ed. 1856, p.6) quotes a letter of Catherine to Elizabeth of September, to the same effect. This appears to be a mistake for the letter above.

11. Best accounts of the marriage negotiations in Conyers Read, Mr. Secretary Walsingham, ii, pp. 1-117; Neale, J. E., Queen Elizabeth I (ed. 2), pp. 237–256.Google Scholar See also Pollen, J. H., English Catholics in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, pp. 3144–329.Google Scholar

12. A list of noblemen favourable to the marriage in Conyers Read, op. cit., ii, p. 5n. Sussex's mother was a Howard (D.N.B, sub Thomas Ratcliffe, 3rd Earl). On Philip Howard, Mauvissière to Henri III, 20 November 1580. (Pollen, J. H., Philip Howard, p. 32)Google Scholar. On Northumberland, Oxford's charges against Arundell and Howard (P.R.O. S.P. 12/151/41), where he speaks of “combinations” made at Northumberland's house in London. The connection with Rutland is provided by ?John Manners: Henry Howard to Burghley, 24 July 1577 (above, n. 1).

13. On ?Frances Howard, Mauvissière to Catherine de Medici, 14 August 1578 (B.N. Fonds français 15973, under date). On Stafford's mother and sister, and other ladies, Mauvissière to Anjou, 14 December 1579 (Ibid., f. 68r).

14. Mauvissière to Henri III, 11 January 1581 (above, n. 1): “[Oxford, Howard, etc.] … grandement affectionnez a voz magestez et a Monseigneur vostre frere, en estant de bons solliciteurs pour le mariage, dont ilz recepvoient beaucoup de bonnes chères pour faire en cela chose qui plaisoit a [Elizabeth] … estimez et favorisez de la dicte royne … a l'occasion qu'eulx et leurs amys ont tousjours este pour le diet mariage et pour l'alliance de France …” There is a ms. defence of the marriage attributed to Howard in B.M. Cotton Titus B 18.

15. B.M. Ward, op. cit., pp. 164ff.

16. Mauvissière to Catherine de Medici, 24 November 1577 (above, n. 10); to Henri III, 29 May 1579 (Pollen, English Catholics, p. 316; B.N. Fonds français 15973, f. 145); to Henri III, 29 October 1579 (P.R.O. 31/3/27: abstract in Pollen, op. cit., p. 317).

17. Mauvissière to Henri III, 29 October 1579 (above, n. 17): “Et mesme [the Catholics] ce sont entremis es affaires de Monseigneur vostre frère et espèrent que par ce moyen ilz seront heureux et contens, et par ce moyen, ce party qui estoit du tout a la devotion du roy d'Espaigne qui ne demandoit nullement ledict mariaige, s'y est tant affectionne qu'il a mis les calvinistes, les puretains et ceux de leur party en perpétuelle inquietude …”

18. Montagu was related to Sussex through his (Montagu's) first wife, Sussex's aunt, who had died in 1553 (D.N.B, sub Anthony Browne, Lord Montagu).

19. Epecially Mauvissière to Henri III, 29 May 1579 (above, n. 17): “… aux quelz [sc. the Catholics] soubz main la Royne … prest beaucoup de faveur et assistance et ferme les yeulz et les oreilles a tous les mauvays rapportz que l'on luy en faict, et creint l'on fort que quant elle aura espouze ung prince si catholicque que monditseigneur vostre frere elle ne ce veille fortiffier et tenir plus asseure [sic] de ce coste la que de l'autre, et si j'avoys ceste honneur de parler troys heures a votre majeste je luy pourroys dire chose [sic] incroyables et dont aussi n'en fault-il croyre pour le plus seure que 1'effect …” Mauvissiere's copyist seems to have got a little mixed here; but the general sense is clear.

20. The Copie of a Leter wryten by a Master of Arte of Cambridge …, ed. 1584, p. 24.

21. Hicks, L., The Growth of a Myth: Fr. Robert Persons, S.J. and Leicester's Commonwealth (Studies, 1957, pp. 91–105).Google Scholar

22. Mendoza to Philip II, 25 December 1581 (Pollen, Philip Howard, p. 30; C.S.P. Spanish 1580-86, p. 245).

23. Dandino to Cardinal Como, 1 May, 21 June, 22 November 1579 (P.R.O. 31/9/76).

24. Dandino to Como, 15 March 1581 (P.R.O. 31/9/78). This was explicitly denied in the Queen's proclamation of 27 September 1579 (a copy in P.R.O. S.P. 12/132/11): “And such a one [sc. Monsieur] also, as never in any demand required any jot to be changed in the laws, neither in Religion, nor other matter whatsoever, of which her Majesty assures her subjects of her word, which never yet was spotted …”

25. Mauvissiere to Henri III, 29 October 1579 (above, n. 17); cf. Mendoza to Philip II, 24 June 1579 (C.S.P. Spanish 1568-79, p. 680), and 17 April 1580 (C.S.P. Spanish 1580-86, p. 25). It is interesting to note, in Philip Stubbes The Gaping Gulf, the favourable treatment of Spain in comparison with France: “And though I esteem the king of Spain for a loyal king of inviolate faith and whole honour in respect of the French king: yet am I so far off from sound trust in either of them both, that considering how Spain dotes upon that drunken harlot of Rome, I would be loth that either France or Spain should have such a porter here to let them in at a postern gate, as Monsieur is. Yet I do not only set this popish French faith behind the Spanish honour of promise holding: but I affirm without doubting, that it is not so saie to contract this near alliance with these French, as to make some other common amity with those Moors beyond Spain …” (The Discoverie of a Gaping Gulf … 1579, C2-2f). Mendoza does not however seem to have been very well informed about what was going on in Leicester's circle (C.S.P. Spanish 1568-79, p. 682 n.).

26. J. E. Neal, op. cit., p. 245.

27. Mauvissière to Henri III, 29 October 1579 (above, n. 17); 27 January 1580 (Pollen, J. H., English Catholics, p. 317f).Google Scholar Dandino to Como, 8 December 1579 (P.R.O. 31/9/76): “Quella Regina … ha chiamato nel consiglio tre, che hanno nome di Catolici, et fra essi un Milort Montacuto, per che habbiano qualche contratto …”

28. Pollen, J. H., English Catholics, pp. 235–243.Google Scholar

29. Mauvissière to Henri III, 29 June and 30 August 1580 (P.R.O. 31/3/28).

30. Mauvissèire to Henri III, 10 September 1580 (P.R.O. 31/2/28).

31. William Herle to Leicester, 1 November 1580 (P.R.O. S.P. 12/144/1), reporting a private conversation with Mauvissière, who was no doubt aware that it would reach Leicester: “For his part … he was more English than French (his master's service set aside), and had this honour of a Frenchman, not to be hispaniolated: which nation of Spain he hated with all his heart, and the more for the practises and enterprises they had addressed against this realm of late [sc. the Holy League], and against Ireland …”

32. Pollen, J. H., op. cit., pp. 355–61.Google Scholar

33. Mauvissière to Henri III, 11 January 1581 (above, n. 1). On Leicester's part in the matter, Charles Arundell to his “Sweet Lady”, undated (1581) (P.R.O. S.P. 12/151/51).

34. Declaration of Arundell (C.S.P. Domestic Addenda 1580-1625, p. 48); Mendoza to Philip II, 9 January 1581 (C.S.P. Spanish 1580-86, p. 78) and 25 December 1581 (Ibid., p. 245; Pollen, Philip Howard, p. 30).

35. The documents of the affair are to be found in P.R.O. S.P. 12/147/41 & 6; S.P. 12/149/67-69; S.P. 12/151/41-57; C.S.P. Domestic 1547-80, p. 431 (misdated to 1571); C.S.P. Domestic Addenda 1580-1625, p. 84; B.M. Cotton, Titus C vi, ff. 5 & 7. B.M. Ward, op. cit., p. 206ff, has an account of the incident, which is accurate enough, and of its “significance”, which is pure fantasy.

36. Dandino to Como, 15 March 1581 (P.R.O. 31/9/78); Mauvissière to Henri III, 9 April 1581 (P.R.O. 31/3/28). Robert, Persons, Punti per la Missione d'Inghilterra (C.R.S. iv), p. 24.Google Scholar

37. B.N. Fonds français 3308, f. 3.

38. Journal des Négotiations … du 24 avril au ler mai 1581; the Commissioners to Henri III, 2 May 1681 (P.R.O. 31/3/28).

39. Walsingham to Cobham, 26 September 1582 (C.S.P. Foreign 1582, no. 357).

40. Robert Persons, Punti per la Missione d'Inghilterra (C.R.S. iv), pp. 22-4, and History of Domestical Difficulties (C.R.S. ii), p. 183; Hicks, L., Letters of Robert Persons, I (C.R.S. xxxix), p. xli.Google Scholar There is some doubt about the date of this incident. Bodin came to England twice in 1581, with the Commissioners, and with Anjou himself on his second visit (C.S.P. Spanish 1580-86, p. 84: Mendoza reports his arrival on 19 February; H.M.C. Rutland, I (12th report, Appx. ix), p. 131: Robert Beale to the Earl of Rutland: “…your friend Monsieur Boden, who is sorry that he came over upon so little assurance of success, and thinking, that having been in great danger of temptation his last coming hither, will not so easily be brought to cross the seas again …” Persons seems to date the incident to the second visit, but his language seems to imply that he was still in England at the time: he left for France in August.

41. Castelli to Como. 12 & 30 June, 8 July, 21 & 26 August 1581 (P.R.O. 31/9/78).

42. Hicks, L., op. cit., p. xli;Google Scholar Persons to Aquaviva, 21 October 1581 (Ibid., pp. 95-7).

43. Mendoza to Philip II, 7 November 1581 (C.S.P. Spanish 1580-86, p, 211).

44. Castelli to Como, 9 December 1581 (P.R.O. 31/9/78).

45. Simpson, R., Edmund Campion, ed. 1896, p. 447.Google Scholar

46. Oxford's accusations, art. 7 (P.R.O. S.P. 12/151/41).

47. Mendoza to Philip II, 25 December 1581 & 6 March 1582 (Pollen, Philip Howard, pp. 30-1). The development of Mendoza's connection with the Catholics during 1581 may be traced in C.S.P. Spanish 1580-86, pp. 97, 118, 177, 200, 211, etc. See also above, p. 12.

48. Robert Barnard (P.H.) to Walsingham,, 19 April 1582 (P.R.O. S.P. 12/153/14). Cf. Cobham to Walsingham, 3 March 1582 (C.S.P. Foreign 1581-2, no. 572): “Our English Romanists … presuppose that Monsieur seeks nothing but his own preferment.”

The spelling of all quotations in English has been modernised.