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The Romanisation of Religion in the Auxilia of the Roman Imperial Army from Augustus to Septimus Severus

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 November 2011

I.P. Haynes
I.P. Haynes
Affiliation:
Merton College, Oxford
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Extract

Religious syncretism in the ancient world is a topic of continual interest among scholars; for it concerns a fundamental aspect of cultural change. This is particularly apparent when studying the miscellany of beliefs attested in the alae and cohortes of the Roman army. Soldiers venerated the ‘official’ gods of the Roman pantheon, deities of specifically military interest, local gods and goddesses, and embraced some of the seductive eastern cults that swept the empire. In addition some probably continued to worship the gods of their regimental homelands. The myriad of ideas and practices involved are often impossible to reconstruct and need not delay us here; instead this paper aims to examine the role of religion in transforming the cultural identity of auxiliary regiments. This necessitates assessing which beliefs had the greatest significance to ordinary soldiers, a task complicated by the latter's poor representation in the epigraphic record.

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Articles
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Britannia , Volume 24 , November 1993 , pp. 141 - 157
Copyright
Copyright © I.P. Haynes 1993. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

1 I would like to thank Professor S.S. Frere, Dr M.E. Henig, Dr J.A. Lloyd, Dr R.S.O. Tomlin, Dr G. Woolf, Mr A. Goldsworthy, and Dr P.M. Kielstra for reading earlier drafts of this paper; but the opinions expressed and any inaccuracies remaining are the responsibility of the author.

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4 Fink, Hoey, Snyder, op. cit. (note 3), 23.

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6 Fink, Hoey, Snyder, op. cit. (note 3), 172. Note that 27 of the 41 entries on the feriale duranum concern the Imperial Cult. The number of these need not necessarily indicate that they were the grandest or most important festivals of the year.

7 See also S.R.F. Price, Rituals and Power: the Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (1984).

8 Wenham, L.P., ‘Notes on the garrisoning of Maryport’, CW xxxix (1939), 19.Google Scholar

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10 Fink, Hoey Snyder, op. cit. (note 3), 28–9.

11 ibid., 37–8.

12 ibid., 209.

13 Nock, op. cit. (note 5), 208. Admittedly, this begs the question, were soldiers treated as ordinary people? Even in the modern British army, it is often assumed that soldiers will attend military ceremonials containing religious elements regardless of their personal beliefs. Pressure to attend can occasionally be considerable even if not officially sanctioned.

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19 See Cichorius cast numbers: 23–4,132–3, 221–4,226–8,237–40, 259–61, and 272.

20 G. Woolf, pers. comm. Dr Woolf presented this idea in an unpublished paper, entitled ‘The Romanisation of the Army’, at the 1991 Theoretical Roman Archaeology Conference, Newcastle. See also Macmullen, R., ‘The legion as a society’, Historia xxxiii (1984), 440–57.Google Scholar

21 Helgeland, op. cit. (note 14), 1470–505. The horror of losing a regimental standard is described several times in the classical sources and the punishments inflicted on those who allowed it are recorded in the undated ‘Laws of Ruffus’, 27; see C.E. Brand, Roman Military Law (1968), 156.

22 See below, p. 154 for the popularity of such standards in Belgica.

23 Although this document dates to c. A.D. 225–7 many o f the ceremonies recorded in it were of civilian origin and had therefore presumably been part of the military religious calendar from Augustan times: Fink, Hoey, Snyder, op. cit. (note 3). 167.

24 In her survey of personal votive objects from military sites in Britain, M J. Green observes (A Corpus of Small Cult-Objects from the Military Areas of Roman Britain, BAR Brit. Ser. 52 (1978), 12)Google Scholar that the Imperial Cult, so prominent in the feriale, is strikingly under-represented. Epigraphic evidence, however, indicates that soldiers regularly made dedications to non-Roman deities.

25 Domaszewski, A. von, ‘Die Religion des römischen Heeres’, Westdeutsche Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kunst xiv (1895). 52Google Scholar and Birley, op. cit. (note 2), 1506.

26 ibid., 1516.

27 Cumont, op. cit. (note 16), 89.

28 Nock, op. cit. (note 5), 199.

29 Helgeland, op. cit. (note 14), 1497 after Hoey, A.S., ‘Official policy towards oriental cults in the Roman army’, Trans. Proc. American Philological Ass. lxx (1939), 463–4.Google Scholar

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32 Cumont, op. cit. (note 16), 103.

33 Birley, op. cit. (note 2), 1516.

34 von Domaszewski, op. cit. (note 25), 52; G.L. Cheesman, The Auxilia of the Roman Imperial Army (1914), 82–4 and P.A. Holder, The Auxilia from Augustus to Trajan, BAR Int. Ser. (1980), 118.

35 Kennedy, D.L., The Auxilia and Numeri raised in the Roman Province of Syria (Unpub. D.Phil. Oxford, 1980).Google Scholar

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37 Speidel (ibid.) notes over sixteen excavated temples and more than 250 monuments from three continents.

38 E. Schwertheim, ‘luppiter Dolichenus’, in M.J. Vermaseren, Die orientalischen Religionen im Römerreich (1981), 195.

39 A.H.Kan, Jupiter Dolichenus, Sammlung der lnschriften und Bildwerke (1943), 19; Fitz, J., ‘Der Besuch des Septimius Severus in Pannonien im Jahre 202 u.z.’, Acta archaeologica academiae scientiarum Hungariae ii (1959)Google Scholar, and P. Merlat, Jupiter Dolichenus. Essai d'interpretation et de synthése (1960) all argue that the cult owed some of its popularity to Severus' eastern interests, but Speidel, op. cit. (note 36), 10, has noted that the chronological distribution of dedications to the god need not suggest this.

40 A. Mósey, Pannonia and Upper Moesia (1974), 258.

41 Kennedy, op. cit. (note 35), 191.

42 P. Merlat, ‘Apropos d'une inscription dolichenne’. Revue Archéologique (1946), 75–80; Kennedy, op. cit. (note 35), reads CIL XIII. 7345a as:

I.O.[M]/DOLI[CHE]/NO TIB. CL7 COΠ DAM [V.S.L.M.]

43 ibid., 381.

44 For the paucity and distribution of cult-object data concerning the god see Green, M.J., A Corpus of Religious Material from the Civilian Areas of Roman Britain, BAR Brit. Ser. 24 (1976), 59Google Scholar and A Corpus of Small Cult-Objects from the Military Areas of Roman Britain, BAR Brit. Ser. 52, (1978), 28.Google Scholar

45 Birley, op. cit. (note 2), 1517.

46 Kennedy, op. cit. (note 35), 175–6 suggests formation A.D. 68–9, citing both the regiment's imperial nomen and Josephus, BJ III. 66.

47 Speidel, op. cit. (note 36), 45.

48 E. Schwertheim, Die Denkmäler orientalischer Gottheiten im römischen Deutschland (1974), 307 notes this of Germania Superior, as does Z. Kadar, Die kleinasiatischen und syrischen Kulte in Ungarn (1962) of the Hungarian data. Some regiments with no ethnic connection with Dolichenus are, on the other hand, among the most prolific dedicants to the god. An obvious example is cohors I Aquitanorum which left several dedications at Stockstadt (CIL XIII. 11780, 11782, and 11783). P. Selem, Les religions orientates dans la Pannonie romaine (1980), 235, considers that the legions were the most important force in spreading the cult.

49 Cheesman, op. cit. (note 34), 181.

50 Kennedy, op. cit. (note 35), 355–8.

51 The dedications are to IOM (CIL in. 7850, 1346, 1343, 7848 and Klio X (1910), 503 n. 2)Google Scholar, Mercury (CIL III. 7855), Minerva and the genii (AE 1971, 339), the genii (CIL III. 7847), Hercules and Silvanus (CIL III. 12565), Hercules, (JOAI v (1902)Google Scholar, Bbl, 121 No. 2), Fortunae Augusta (AE 1903,67), and Patri, Libero (JOAI V (1902), Bbl. 122 no. 4).Google Scholar

52 For example AE 1911,35 from Micia, Dacia:

I.O.MπDOLICHENO/ARA MICIA/M [ ]PRA/COH II FL/COMMAG(E)/NORVM BENE MπPOSVIT.

53 ILS 9273 Deva, Dacia:

[I]OVI TVR/MAZGADI/COH.II FL./[CO]MMAG.EQ. S[AG/CVI] PR. M. ARR[VNT/IV]S/V.S.L.M.

54 Speidel, op. cit. (note 36), 7–8.

55 R.O. Fink, Roman Military Records on Papyrus (1971), 192–7.

56 M.I. Rostovtzeff, A.R. Bellinger, F.E. Brown, and C.B. Welles, Excavations at Dura Europos: Ninth Season 1935–6 Part III (711952), 130.

57 Speidel, op. cit. (note 36), 39, 45.

58 Cheesman, op. cit. (note 34), 181; Holder, op. cit. (note 34), 215; 108–13.

59 Steer, K.A., ‘John Horsley and the Antonine Wall’, Arch. Ael. xlii (1964), 26–7.Google Scholar

60 D.J. Breeze and B. Dobson, Hadrian's Wall (1978), 254–5.

61 von Domaszewski, op. cit. (note 25), 52. RIB 1792: DEA E SVRI/AE SVB CAL/PVRNIO AG[R]/1CO[LA] LEG AV[G]PR. PR. LIC[IN]1VS/[C]LEM[ENS PRAEF/C]OHI HA[MIORVM]

62 Another altar to the goddess was found at Catterick, (RIB 726): DEAE/SYRIA/E ARA(M)/G(AIVS) N(.) O(.)/B(ENE)F(ICARIVS). There is nothing to suggest that the dedicator was an Oriental.

63 CIL ix. 6099 records a priest who served both Magna Mater and Dea Syria.

64 Cumont, op. cit. (note 3), 104–5.

65 RIB 1782 could refer to both Dolichenus and Heliopolitanus as at Aquincum (Kadar, op. cit. (note 48), 15) or either god alone (F. Hettner, De love Dolicheno (1977), 43).

66 E. and J.R. Harris, The Oriental Cults in Roman Britain (1965), 15. Dr Martin Henig has kindly drawn my attention to an unusual intaglio from Corbridge which represents IOM Heliopolitanus. It is unparalleled in Britain and it is tempting to suggest that it belonged to a member of the cohort. It is equally possible that it was originally the property of an oriental merchant working in the area: M. Henig, A Corpus of Roman Engraved Gemstones from British Sites, BAR Brit. Ser. (1978), 94, 229, Gem No. 351.

67 Y. Hajjar, La Triade D'Heliopolis-Baalbek (1977), 550.

68 ibid., 3.

69 Lambrino, S., ‘Observations sur la cohors milliaria Hemesenorum’, Revista Istorica Romano ii (1932), 262–6.Google Scholar

70 Kennedy, op. cit (note 35), 119–33 following J.C. Mann reviewing Fitz, J., ‘Les Syriens à Intercisa,’ JRS lxiv (1974), 259–60.Google Scholar

71 Intercisa 1, no. 326:

PRO SALVTE ET VICTORIA/GERM. IMP. CAES. M. AVR. SEVERI/ANTONINI PI.FELICIS AVGJPARTH. M(A)X. PONTIF. MAX. P.P. TRIB. POT/COS. IIII DEO PATRI O SOLI ELA/GABOLO MIL. COH (MILLIARIA) HEM. ANTON./DEDICATVM OPVS X KAL. SEPTJMESSALA ET SABINO COS.

72 von Domaszewski, op. cit. (note 25), 60.

73 AE 1973,437 from A.D. 198–199 and ILS 9155 from A.D. 199-202.

74 Albia Regia xi (1970), No. 464Google Scholar, AE 1969/70,516 and AE 1975, 704.

75 Móscy, op. cit. (note 40), 258.

76 Kennedy, op. cit. (note 35), 213–27.

77 Cumont, op. cit. (note 16), 89.

78 Yale Classical Studies xi (1950), 215, 235.Google Scholar

79 Nock, op. cit. (note 5), 245–52.

80 Cumont, op. cit. (note 16), 113.

81 A. Fol and I. Marazov, Thrace and the Thracians (1977), 17–125.

82 Despite superficial similarities with the depictions of the Danubian rider-gods the two are quite distinct: G.I. Karazarow, Die Denkmäler des thrakischen Reitergottes in Bulgarian (1938); D. Tudor, Corpus Monumentorum Religionis Equitum Danuuiorum (1969), 282.

83 ‘The appearance of the Romans ushered in an era of intensive syncretism, yet the Thracians stuck to their traditional religious beliefs and outlook. No matter where fate took them as soldiers of Rome, they carried with them the image of their hero. They dedicated reliefs to him in Africa, Syria, Italy, and England. The mysterious horseman galloped through the ages and the lands as a proud symbol of the eternal Thracian spirit’ (Fol and Marazov, op. cit. (note 1) 125).

84 Farrar, R.A.H., ‘A Romano-British Rider relief from Whitcombe’, Proc. Dorset Nat. Hist. Soc. lxxxvi (1965), 104Google Scholar; M. Schleiermacher, Römische Reitergrabsteine (1984), 193.

85 Green, M.J., A Corpus of Religious Material from the Civilian Areas of Roman Britain, BAR Brit. Ser. 24 (1976)Google Scholar and The Gods of Roman Britain (1983), 45.

86 Henig, M. in G.M., and Aitken, G.N., ‘Excavations at Whitcombe, 1965–1967’, Proc. Dorset Nat. Hist. Arch. Soc. cxii (1990), 70–1.Google Scholar

87 CIL III 14424, AE 1900,13:

HER(ONI) DIVESANTO FL. MESTRIVS MI(LES)

COHORT(IS) IILVCENSIVM VOTV(M) POSVIT.

cohors II Lucensium was raised in Tarraconensis and stationed in Moesia Inferior until A.D. 196.

88 A.S. Anderson, Roman Military Tombstones (1985), 18–19.

89 The Attic stele of Dexileos, dated to 394 B.C., is often cited (G.M. A. Richter, Sculpture and Sculptors of the Greeks (1950), 2).

90 Mackintosh, M., ‘The sources of the horseman and fallen enemy motif on the tombstones of the western Roman empire’, JBAA cxxxix (1986), 1–21.Google Scholar

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93 Lehner, H., ‘Die Standarte der ala Longiniana’, Bonner Jahrbücher cxvii (1908), 283–6.Google Scholar

94 Only one other depiction of an image on a vexillum has been identified, the imperial vexillum of Licinus with two huma n busts on it. Of the auxiliary signa little more can be said. The representation of Pinatius, signifer of cohors V Asturum, shows a fairly standard signum, while the imago of Flavinus of the ala Petriana is little more informative. Finally a poor third-century relief from Carrawburgh appears to represent a standard-bearer with a bull signum, but the relief is not accompanied b y an inscription.

95 Green, op. cit. (note 44, 1976), 13.

96 For a legionary parallel see ILS 2293, CIL 11. 6183.

97 A. Ross, Everyday Life of the Pagan Celts (1970), 96.

98 von Domaszewski, op. cit. (note 25), 50.

99 Birley, op. cit. (note 2), 1528 cites: Speidel, M.P., ‘Die Equites Singularis Augusti: Begleittruppe der römischen Kaiser de szweiten und dritten Jahrhunderts’, Antiquitas III (1965), 71Google Scholar; S. Gutenbrunner, Die germanischen Götternamen der antiken Inschriften (1936), 195 and F. Staehlin, Die Schweiz in römischer Zeit (1948), 522.

100 Cohortes I Batavonim, I Aquitanorum, I Tungrorum, I Cugernorum, I Frisiavorum, and II Nerviorum. The Batavi are known to have been stationed at the site from at least A.D. 213. The Aquitani and Tungri are attested on building work, but the other regiments may simply be venerating the goddess (D.J. Breeze and B. Dobson, Hadrian's Wall (1978), 244).

101 Birley, A., The People of Roman Britain (1979), 95Google Scholar: RIB 1526, 1525, and 1532; the last two were dedicated by the same man.

102 Harris, J.R., ‘Coventina's Well’, Arch. Ae1. xxi (1924), 162–72.Google Scholar

103 L. Allason-Jones and B. McKay, Coventina's Well (1985), 3–6 cites AE 1950, 49 from Narbonne, France and altars from Santa Cruz de Loyo and Os Curvenos near Guitiriz (AE 1950, 13; AE 1953, 74).

104 von Domaszewski, op. cit. (note 25), 50; RIB 2135, CIL VII. 1084, ILS 4801; altar from Crammond now lost.

MATRIB(VS) ALA/TERVIS ET/MATRIB(VS) CAMPESTRIB(VS) COH(ORS) I/TVNGRORVM INS(TANTE)/VERSCARM/[C(ENTVRIONE)] LEG(IONIS) XX V(ALERIAE) V(ICTRICIS).

Smeesters, J., ‘Les Tungri dans I'armée romaine: état actuel de nos connaissances’, Studien zu den Militärgrenzen Roms 11, Beihefte der Bonner Jahrbücher 38 (1977), 181.Google Scholar

105 There are only three other known inscriptions to these Matres:

CIL XIII. 7862 IV P736n and CIL XIII. 12012; RGKBer (1927), 100, no. 303 both record Matres Alaferhuiae and CIL XIII. 8606 is dedicated to the Matres Alateiviae. All the dedications come from Lower Germany.

106 The fort at Cramond was built during the Antonine Period (A., and Rae, V., ‘The Roman fort at Cramond, Edinburgh: Excavations 1954–66’, Britannia v (1974), 163)Google Scholar and the regiment was in Britain by A.D. 103 (CIL xvi. 48) and may have been one of the Tungrian cohorts in Agricola's army (Tac, Agric. 36).

107 I would suggest that these altars date from A.D. 158–182. The fort was reoccupied after rebuilding in c. A.D. 158, and the Raetian vexillation had most probably returned by A.D. 157 so the last Raetians recruited into it had presumably therefore retired by A.D. 182. The command of Silvius Auspex may therefore be dated to this period.

108 All other known dedications to the god come from Germania Inferior; as Viradecthis (CIL XIII. 6486, ILS 4759), as Viroddi, (CIL XIII. 6791, ILS 4758), and as Virodacti (CIL XIII. 8815, ILS 4757).

109 The fort was occupied by the ala from c. A.D. 144–158.

110 The Mumrills dedication is RIB 2140 (CIL VII. 1090, ILS 4628). Other known dedications to the god are CIL VI. 31162 (ILS 2188) from Rome and CIL XIII. 8492 (ILS 4630), CIL XIII. 8610, 8705 (ILS 4629), CIL XIII. 8771, 8777, 8010, and 10027 all from Germania Inferior.

111 RIB 837, CIL VII. 390, EE iii 129, LS 869 and RIB 838, CIL VII. 391, ILS 3155, LS 870 (both dedicated by prefects); Richmond, op. cit. (note 31), 163.