Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-g7gxr Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-08T10:30:48.598Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

“Our gratitude has no limit”: Polish Nationalism, Dynastic Patriotism, and the 1880 Imperial Inspection Tour of Galicia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 February 2009

Daniel Unowsky
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

For almost three weeks the scenes repeated themselves: cannon fire, chiming church bells, massive crowds, peasant bands on horseback, school girls in white dresses laying flowers along the emperor's path, torchlight parades, mountaintop bonfires, city illuminations, serenades, court dinners, aristocratic balls, early morning prayers at cathedrals and synagogues. During Francis Joseph's 1880 inspection tour of Galicia,2 today divided between Poland and Ukraine, millions of Galicians either saw the emperor, talked with someone who did, read about his visit in the paper, or heard abąout it at a village reading hall or gathering, or from the local priest

Type
Articles
Information
Austrian History Yearbook , Volume 34 , January 2003 , pp. 145 - 171
Copyright
Copyright © Center for Austrian Studies, University of Minnesota 2003

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Czas, , Sept. 2, 1880, p. 1. Unless otherwise noted, all translations are my own.Google Scholar

2 The 1880 inspection tour, one of dozens of imperial tours of the provinces undertaken by Francis Joseph during his long reign, also included Bukovina. Francis Joseph's contemporary, Tsar Alexander II, sought expressions of popular dynastic loyalty during imperial visitations. Richard, Wortman, “Rule by Sentiment: Alexander II's Journeys through the Russian Empire,” American Historical Review 95, no. 3 (1990): 745–71.Google Scholar

3 In this article, “Ruthenian” (Ruthenen in German; rusyny in Ukrainian) is used to distinguish between an ethnic designation (Ruthenian) and the national orientations of Ruthenian leaders and factions. In this I follow John-Paul, Himka, Religion and Nationality in Western Ukraine: The Greek Catholic Church and the Ruthenian National Movement in Galicia, 1867–1900 (Montreal, 1999).Google Scholar

4 Eric, Hobsbawm, “Mass-Producing Traditions: Europe, 1870–1914,” in The Invention of Tradition, ed. Eric, Hobsbawm and Terence, Ranger (Cambridge, 1983).Google Scholar

5 Richard, Wortman, Scenarios of Power: Myth and Ceremony in Russian Monarchy, 2 vols. (Princeton, 1995-2000)Google Scholar; Isabel, Hull, “Prussian Dynastic Ritual and the End of Monarchy,” in German Nationalism and the European Response, 1890–1945, ed. Carole, Fink, Isabel, Hull, AND McGregor, Knox (Norman, 1985), 13–41Google Scholar; Röhl, John C.G., Kaiser, Hof und Stoat: Wilhelm II und die deutsche Politik (Munich, 1987)Google Scholar; Werner, Blessing, Stoat und Kirche in der Gesellschaft. Institutionelle Autorität und mentaler Wandel in Bayern während des 19. Jahrhunderts (Göttingen, 1982).Google Scholar

6 Pawet, Popiel, Pamiętniki Pawta Popiela, 1807–1892 (Memoirs of Pawer Popiel, 1807–1892) (Cracow, 1927), 124.Google Scholar

7 Francis Joseph traveled briefly to Galicia for military maneuvers in 1855. A planned 1868 Kaiserreise was cancelled due to disagreements over the post-1867 relationship between the province and Vienna. Daniel, Unowsky, “The Pomp and Politics of Patriotism: Imperial Celebrations in Habsburg Austria, 1848–1916” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 2000), 91–106.Google Scholar

8 The Polish “democrats” and “progressives” were only modestly more “democratic” than the Polish conservatives; however, the democrats did reject the absolute loyalism of the conservatives and oriented themselves more openly toward Poles in the other partitions. In 1880, the Polish democrats were weak, divided, and lacked a large and vibrant potential constituency—in this poor, agricultural province, members of the lower szlachta, younger sons of noble families, and Jews constituted the bulk of the urban professional classes. Maciej, Janowski, Inteligencja wobec wyzwań nowoczesnośći. Dylematy ideowe polskiej demokracji liberalnej w Galicji w latach 1889–1914 (Intellectuals face the challenges of a new era: Ideological dilemmas of Polish liberal democrats in Galicia, 1889–1914) (Warsaw, 1996)Google Scholar; and Zbigniew, Fras, Democraci w Zyciu politycznym Galicji w latach 1848–1873 (Democrats in the political life of Galicia, 1848–1873) (Wrocraw, 1997).Google Scholar

9 William, Jenks, Austria under the Iron Ring, 1879–1893 (Charlottesville, 1965).Google Scholar

10 In June, Julian Dunajewski joined Florian Ziemiałkowski, Minster for Galicia, in Taaffe's cabinet.

11 Stefan, Kieniewicz, Adam Sapieha (L'viv, 1939), 295.Google ScholarFor Kieniewicz, “stańczyk” denoted not only the Cracow conservative nobles, but also Habsburg loyalists, young careerists, autonomists, east Galician conservative magnates (podolacy), and Polish officials in the Galician administration (Mamelukes).Google Scholar

12 The stańczyks worked for moderate reform of agricultural production and of the relations between landowners and peasants. The stańczyks also sought some accommodation with the Ruthenians. The podolacy opposed these efforts. Stanislaw, Grodziski, W królestwie Galicji i Lodomerii (In the Crownland of Galicia and Lodomeria) (Cracow, 1976), 237–48Google Scholar; Jakub, Forst-Battaglia, “Die polnischen Konservativen Galiziens und die Slawen (1866–1879)” (Ph.D. diss., University of Vienna, 1975)Google Scholar; and Kazimierz, Wyka, Teka Stańczyka na tie historii Galicji w latach 1849–1869 (The Stańczyka Portfolio in the context of the history of Galicia, 1849–1869) (Wroclaw, 1951)Google Scholar; and Wilhelm, Feldman, Stronnictwa i programy polityczne w Galicyi 1846–1906 (Parties and politica programs in Galicia, 1846–1905), vol. 1 (Cracow, 1907), 77.Google Scholar

13 The Cracow historical school included, among others, Józef Szujski, Stanisław Koźmian, and the future Galician Statthalter (viceroy/governor) Michał Bobrzyński.

14 The Polonization of the Galician provincial administration begun by long-time Galician Statthalter Agenor Gołuchowski and the appointment of Potocki, a west Galician conservative magnate, greatly diminished tensions between the Polish bureaucrats in the Galician administration and the Cracow conservatives. Feldman, , Dzieje, 123; Kieniewicz, Sapieha, 220–25. On Zyblikiewicz, a Greek Catholic Polish patriot,Google Scholar see Irena, Homola-Dzikowska, Mikołaj Zyblikiewicz (Wroclaw, 1964).Google Scholar

15 Daniel, Unowsky, “Reasserting Empire: Habsburg Imperial Celebrations Following the Revolutions of 1848–1849,” in Staging the Past: The Politics of Commemoration in Habsburg Central Europe, 1848 to the Present, ed. Maria, Bucur and Nancy, Wingfield (West Lafayette, 2001)Google Scholar; Fras, , “Podróze cesarza Franciszka Józefa I do Galicji” (The travels of emperor Francis Joseph to Galicia), in Z dziejów Galicji, Slaska, Polski i Niemiec. Prace ofiarowane Profesorowi drowi Adamowi Galosowi w siedemdziesiątą rocznicę urodziń (From the history of Galicia, Silesia, Poland and Germany: Papers offered to Professor Adam Galos on his seventieth birthday), ed. Mark, Czapliński, Romualda, Gelles, and Krystyna, Matwijowski (Wrocław, 1994).Google Scholar

16 Czas, , Aug. 10, 1880, p. 2; Dziennik Polski (DP), Aug. 10, p. 2; Aug. 14, pp. 2–3; Aug. 25, 1880, p.Google Scholar

17 Stenograficzne Sprawozdania z trzeciej sesyi czwartego peryodu Sejmu Krajowego Królestwa Calicyi i Lodomeryi xvraz z Wielkiem Księstwem Krakowskiem w roku 1880 (Stenographic report from the third session of the fourth period of the provincial legislature of the Crownland of Galicia and Lodomeria together with the Grand Duchy of Cracow in 1880), 421–22.

18 Gazeta Lwowska (GL), July 19,1880, p. 5. The committee included important conservatives such as Dawid Abrahamowicz, Jerzy Ks. Czartoryski, Włodzimierz Dzieduszycki, Kazimierz Grocholski, and Artur Potocki, as well as the mayors of Lemberg and Cracow, Lemberg Rabbi Bernard Loewenstein, Roman Catholic Bishop Morawski, Greek Catholic Metropolitan Sembratovych, and Przemyśl Greek Catholic Bishop Stupnicki.Google Scholar

19 Czas, , July 21, 1880, p. 3; DP, July 21, 1880, p. 2; Aug. 14, 1880, p. 2; GL, July 19, 1880, p. 5.Google Scholar

20 DP, Special Edition (Dodatek) to Aug. 6, 1880, p. 2. The Lemberg and Cracow committees sold space on tribunes set up along the streets to defray expenses. Tribune space in front of the arch near the train station in Lemberg ranged from ten gulden for a front-row spot reserved for the Kaiser's entire 4-day stay, to two gulden for a one-day pass on the upper level of the tribune. DP, Aug.30, 1880, p. 1.

21 Central State Historical Archives, Ľviv (TsDIAL), 146/4/3465/13 [Pr. 8050, August 5, 1880. Badeni to the Presidium of the Statthalterei]. Military regulations required the full mobilization of garrisons, including infantry, artillery, and cavalry during a Kaiserreise. Troops would line all streets and squares. War Archives, Vienna (KA), Office of the General Adjutant (GA) 1880/82/24 [Telegram, Mondel to Potocki, Aug. 15, 1880]. Issued on Aug. 23, Militär-Commando-Befehl No. 180 conformed with Potocki's wishes: KA, GA 1880/82/mixta/17.

22 The Cracow committee succeeded in attracting more than 2,000 volunteers to the citizens' guard. The Lemberg committee could raise only 500 volunteers, and then only when the Galician administration pressured bureaucrats to sign on to the guard.

23 TsDIAL, 146/4/3465–68. Galicia's district captains reported that representatives of rural communities elected delegations (mostly clergy and local notables) to greet the emperor in Cracow and Lemberg. The Jews of Łańcut and elsewhere planned to greet their monarch with raised Torahs. District captains assured Potocki that Ruthenian peasant mounted formations would receive funding and hospitality from local governments of Kossów.

24 KA, GA 1880/82/15 [Potocki to Mondel, Aug. 18, 1880].

25 Kazimierz, Chlędowski, Pamiętniki (Memoirs), 2 vols. (Cracow,1957), 1:391–2. Chlędowski's account is confirmed in KA, GA 1880/82/37.Google Scholar

26 These speeches are collected in German translation in the House, Court, and State Archives, Vienna (HHStA), Cabinet Chancellery (Kab. Kanz.) Varia, ct. 51.

27 Anton, Klobukowski, Czas, Sept. 1, 1880.Google Scholar

28 Czas, Sept. 1, 1880, p. 1. The 1866 Address from the Galician Sejm to Francis Joseph, though denounced by many Polish democrats and nationalists and authored by Polish conservatives such as Adam Potocki, was far from an obsequious acknowledgment of Austrian control of Galicia. The Address offered Polish loyalty in return for Polish autonomy in Galicia.Google Scholar

29 For examples of this argument, see Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung (WAZ) (morning edition), July 29, 1880, p. 1; Neue Freie Presse (NFP) (morning edition), Aug. 20, 1880, p. 3.

30 Polish democrats were stronger in Lemberg than in Cracow. Anti-starńczyk Polish nationalists and progressives controlled Cazeta Narodowa (GN). Fremden-Blatt termed Dziennik Polski the “main organ of the Lemberg liberals.” Fremden-Blatt (evening edition), Sept. 7, 1880, 1. On the Galician press, see Harald, Binder, “Die polnische Presse in der Habsburgermonarchie” and “Die ukrainische Presse in der Habsburgermonarchie” in Die Habsburgermonarchie, 1848–1918, vol. 8 (Vienna, forthcoming)Google Scholar; and Józef, Myśliński, “Prasa Polska w Galiqi w dobie autonomicznej (1867–1918)” (The Polish press in Galicia in the era of autonomy [1867–1918]), in Prasa Polska w Latach 1864–1918 (The Polish press, 1864–1918), ed. Jerzy, Lojka (Warsaw, 1976), 114–76.Google Scholar

31 For examples, see: DP, July 22, p. 1, Aug. 13, 1880, p. 2; GL, Aug. 10, 1880, p. 4; GN, Aug. 20, 1880. Some of these attacks responded specifically to the efforts by magnates to hold a szlachta ball for the emperor and to form a separate delegation of the “historic szlachta.”

32 GN, Aug. 31, p. 1, Sept. 1, 1880, p. 1.

33 GL, Aug. 20, 1880, p. 3; DP, Sept. 2, 1880, p. 1; Czas, July 30, p. 5, Aug. 1, 1880, p. 2.

34 Czas, Sept. 2, 1880, p. 1.Google Scholar

35 Czas, Sept. 8, 1880, pp. 1–2. This article discusses in detail only three of the five stariczyk highlights. The emperor's return from a military school outside of Cracow accompanied by 600 peasant riders, and the great ball in the Sukiennice were the other two “images” Czas designated as highlights.Google Scholar

36 WAZ (afternoon edition), Sept. 1, 1880, p. 1; GL, Sept. 2, 1880, p. 2. Even when in his eighties, official sources and panegyric publications continued to praise Francis Joseph's “elastic steps” and youthful energy.

37 Czas, Sept. 2, 1880, p. 2; GL, Sept. 2, 1880, p. 1; TsDIAL, 146/4/3468/125.Google Scholar

38 Czas, Sept. 2, 1880, p. 1.Google Scholar

39 On Francis Joseph's knowledge of Polish, see note 47.

40 Polish State Archive in Cracow (AP), Temporary Catalog (IT) 872/12 [Program uroczystego wjazdu do Krakowa Najjaśniejszego Pana Cesarza Franciszka Józefa Igo w dniu 1 września 1880 r. oraz pobyru w Krakowie] (Program of the festive entrance into Cracow of his Sublime Majesty Emperor Francis Joseph I on September 1 and of his stay in Cracow). The delegations included, among others, members of the Habsburg house orders, Catholic clergy, magnates greeting the emperor in the name of the “Polish szlachta of Galicia,” Zyblikiewicz and the Cracow city council, Józef Majer as president of the Academy of Sciences, Józef Szujski as rector of the university, artist Jan Matejko as director of the Imperial-Royal School of Fine Arts, and Marshal Wodzicki as president of the Agricultural Society in Cracow. The first to receive an audience was the Russian governor of Warsaw. According to DP, as Governor Albedyński arrived at the Potocki Palace, only one small boy had the courage to break the silence of the crowds and shout: “Poland Still Lives!” DP, Sept. 3, 1880, p. 3.

41 Notables gathered at Francis Joseph's last stop in Galicia agreed to support this project. See Alexander, Nowolecki's detailed commemorative book, Pamigtką podróżiy cesarza Franciszka Józefa I. po Galicy (In commemoration of the journey of emperor Fancis Joseph through Galicia) (Cracow, 1881), 216.Google Scholar

42 In order to present Polish culture to the emperor, the reception committees and some individual nobles had to order Polish decorations and Polish “national” clothes from theater companies and antique dealers in the imperial capital. DP and GN pointed to these facts as proof of the limited success of the conservatives in promoting Polish culture. DP, Aug. 15, pp. 1–2, Aug 22, p. 2, Aug. 26, p. 2; GN, Aug. 14,1880, p. 2; NFP (morning edition), Aug. 20,1880, p. 3. On Zyblikiewicz and the Cracow centered neo-Sarmatian revival,Google Scholar see Jacek, Purchla, Krakau unter Österreichischer Herrschaft, 1846–1918. Facktoren seiner Entwicklung (Vienna, 1993).Google Scholar

43 Zyblikiewicz initiated this resolution in July. Sprawozdanie stenograficzne Sejmu Krajowego Królestwa Galicyi i Lodomeryi wraz z Wielkiem Ksiestwem Krakowskiem w roku 1880.15. Posiedzenia z dnia 7 Lipca 1880 (Stenographic report from the provincial legislature of the Crownland of Galicia and Lodomeria along with the Grand Duchy of Cracow in 1880. Fifteenth sitting from July 7,1880), 421–22. In fact, Habsburg troops vacated Wawel only in 1905. David, Crowley, “Castles, Cabarets and Cartoons: Claims on Polishness in Krak6w around 1905,” in The City in Central Europe: Culture and Society from 1800 to the Present, ed. Malcolm, Gee, Tim, Kirk, AND Jill, Steward (Cambridge, 1999), 105.Google Scholar

44 Czas, Sept. 4, 1880, p. 1. DP's editors claimed that their paper, not the conservatives, had brought the issue to public notice two years before. DP noted that Galicians would be responsible for building a military post to replace the garrison on Wawel. It was not enthusiastic about the Polish people financing a permanent home for imperial troops. DP, Sept. 4,1880, p. 1.

45 These“genuine” peasant celebrations featured costumes and floats designed by Polish artists and funded by the city of Cracow and the district council

46 Czas, Sept. 5,1880, p. 2.

47 Czas, Sept. 8,1880, p. 2; Czas, Sept. 5,1880, p. 2. The Polish press repeatedly commented on Francis, Joseph'salleged mastery of Polish, noting each time he signed his name Franciszek Jozef in a school guest book (Czas, Sept. 4, 1880, p. 1).Google Scholar The emperor';s knowledge of Polish, however, appears to have been very limited. He received German translations of all speeches, and though crowds cheered his few words of Polish, Francis, Joseph uttered only a few stock phrases similar to his usual public comments in German: “How lovely.”Google Scholar

48 Czfls, Sept. 7, p. 1, Sept. 8, p. 1, Sept. 14,1880, p. 1.

49 WAZ (afternoon edition), Sept. 13,1880, p. 3.Google Scholar

50 Purchla, , “Die Einflüsse Wiens auf die Architekture Lembergs 1772–1918,” in Architectura Lwozva XIX wieku (The architecture of Lwow in the nineteenth century), ed. Jacek, Purchla (Cracow, 1997), 30–53.Google Scholar

51 On serfdom and emancipation in Galicia and the Habsburg monarchy, see Roman, Rosdolsky, Untertan und Staat in Galizien: die Reformen von Maria Theresia und Joseph II (Mainz am Rhein, 1992);Google ScholarJerome, Blum, The End of the Old Order in Rural Europe (Princeton, 1978);Google ScholarStefan, Kieniewicz, The Emancipation of the Polish Peasantry (Chicago, 1969).Google Scholar

52 A minority of Greek Catholics considered themselves Poles, and some Ruthenians were Roman, Catholics. John-Paul, Himka, Religion and Nationality;Google Scholaridem,Socialism in Galicia: The Emergence of Polish Social Democracy and Ukrainian Radicalism (1860–1890) (Cambridge, 1983).

53 Anna Veronika Wendland, “Die Rückkehr der Russophilen in die ukrainische Geschichte: Neue Aspekte der ukrainischen Nationsbildung in Galizien, 1848–1914,” in Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 49 (2001): 178–99; idem, Die Russophilen in Galizien. Ukrainische Konservative zwischen Österreich und Russland, 1848–1915 (Vienna, 2001); Himka, , “The Greek Catholic Church and the Ukrainian Nation in Galicia,” in Religious Compromise, Political Salvation: The Greek Catholic Church and Nation-Building in Eastern Europe, ed. James, Niessen (Pittsburgh, 1993).Google ScholarPaul, agosci sees a clear divide between Russophiles and Old Ruthenians (starorusyny), whom he defines as “first and foremost local Galician patriots who had a vague sense of cultural unity with other Rus' people … but whose national, political, and religious loyalties did not extend beyond the boundaries of the Austrian Empire.” Magocsi,Google Scholar“Old Ruthenianism and Russophilism: A New Conceptual Framework for Analyzing National Ideologies in Late 19th Century Eastern Galicia,” in American Contributions to the Ninth International Congress of Slavists, vol.2, Literature, Poetics, History, ed. Paul, Debreczeny (Columbus, 1983), 310.Google Scholar

54 The Kachkovs'kyi Society and rural newspapers founded by Naumovych and other Russophiles “facilitated communication between the Ruthenian elite and the rural population,” thereby serving as "an important basis for national mobilization.” Wendland, “Die Rückkehr der Russophilen,” 185. The Kachkovs'kyi Society was, with approximately 6,000 members, the largest Ruthenian cultural organization when the emperor came to Lemberg in 1880. Magocsi terms this association “an ideological child of the so-called Old Ruthenian (starorusyny) movement.”Google Scholar See Magocsi, , “The Kachkovs'kyi Society and the National Revival in Nineteenth-Century East Galicia,” in Harvard Ukrainian Studies 15 (1991): 49–87.Google Scholar

55 Prosvita failed to spark much interest among the peasantry in its first years, due at least in part to its high fees and expensive publications. Prosvita surpassed the Kachkovs'kyi Society in membership only around 1900. On Prosvita,Google Scholar see Himka, 's Galician Villagers.Google Scholar

56 WAZ (afternoon edition), Sept. 13, 1880, pp. 2–3. The WAZ reported that 3,500 people arrived on the Karl-Ludwig rail on September 10 alone; WAZ, Sept. 11,1880, p. 6. NFP counted more than 40,000 who traveled to Lemberg for the Kaiserfest; NFP, Sept. 17,1880, p. 7.Google Scholar

57 Each peasant received a commemorative medal. DP, Sept. 15,1880, p. 2.Google Scholar

58 Despite their constant attack on the conservatives' stewardship of the province, in 1880 the Polish democrats sat in the unified delegation and supported a common policy toward the imperial center. Philip, Pajakowski, “The Polish Club and Austrian Parliamentary Politics, 1873–1900” (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1989).Google Scholar

59 GL, Aug. 20,1880, p. 3.

60 According to the senior court official accompanying the emperor, the theater presented a “lovely image”; however, Loebenstein conceded, “the choice of the piece which was presented must be deemed highly unfortunate.” HHStA, NZA, r. XV, Hofreisen 1880, ct. 367 [Loebenstein to the Office of the Court Master, September 17,1880]. Philipp Ther discusses this incident in his unpublished paper “Das polnische Theater in Lemberg 1842–1914. Trägerschichten und Repertoire.” Ther presented this paper at “Eine mulrikulturelle Gesellschaft: Polen, Ukrainer und Juden in Galizien 1772–1918,” a conference sponsored by the University of Vienna's Institut fur Osteuropaische Geschichte, which took place January 25–26, 2002. Dobrzanski returned to the directorship of the theater in 1883.

61 NFP (evening edition), Sept. 9, 1880, p. 2; DP, Sept. 14, 1880, p. 2. The court announced the addition of the second synagogue less than 24 hours before the visit, inspiring all-night preparations. Der Israelit, Oct. 8,1880, pp. 1–2. Ruins and plaques are all that remain of these two synagogues.Google Scholar

62 WAZ (afternoon edition), Sept. 13,1880, p. 4; Konst. Vorstadt-Zeitung (KVZ), Sept. 14,1880, p. 4. According to the KVZ, liberal Rabbi Loewenstein spoke in German, orthodox Rabbi Ornstein in Hebrew. These two events were not the only signs of imperial favor toward the Jews of Galicia. At a special audience, Jewish community leaders thanked the emperor in the name of the Jewish community for raising the Jews to the status of equal citizenship. On September 12, Rabbi Loewenstein joined Greek and Roman Catholic clergy, politicians, military officers, magnates, high bureaucrats, and other prominent Galicians at the emperor's table. Der Israelit, Oct. 8,1880, p. 2; HHStA, NZA, r. XV, Hofreisen 1880, ct. 367.Google Scholar

63 Czfls, July 7,1880, p. 1.

64 GN, Sept. 15,1880, p. 3. Czas did not report on such incidents, but other papers did publicize them.Google ScholarNFP (morning edition), Sept. 14,1880, p. 7;Google ScholarNFP (evening edition), Sept. 14,1880, p. 2;Google ScholarWAZ (morning edition), Sept. 15,1880, p. 5;Google ScholarNFP (morning edition), Sept. 19,1880, p. 7.Google Scholar

65 HHStA, Kab. Archiv Direktionsakten 1880–1884, ct. 11, folder 5 and 11. The influx of petitions resulted in internal initiatives to regularize the evaluation process.

66 HHStA, Kab. Kanz., Korrespondenz-Akten, ct. 109 [Z. 1061, Kundrat to Francis, Joseph, Sept. 2,1880; Z. 1064, ad. Z 1064, Potocki to Kab. Kanz., Dec. 23,1880]. Petitioners were not all peasants. Widows of long-serving officials of the Galician administration (a result of the influx of sons of the Polish nobility and urban intelligentsia into government service after 1867) and wives of sick and debilitated government and train employees and military veterans also sought financial assistance. Ľviv Oblast State Archive (DALO), 350/1/2404–2407.Google Scholar

67 HHStA, Kab. Kanz., Korrespondenz-Akten, ct. 109 [Z. 1062, Kab. Kanz. to Statthalterei, exped. Sept. 8,1880].

68 Nauka, Sept. 1/Oct. 1,1880, 333. This issue also includes a long editorial about the various grievances of the Ruthenians against the Polish Galician administration.Google Scholar

69 Each of the major Ruthenian associations and institutions sent two representatives. Slovo, July 24,1880, p. 3 (dates cited are given according to the new style); DP, July 23,1880, p. 2

70 TsDIAL, 196/1/112 [Politische Verein—(Ruska Rada): Program des Besuches S.M. in Halicka Rus']; Dilo, Aug. 21,1880, p. 1.

71 Slovo, July 24,1880, p. 3; Dilo, Aug. 7,1880, p. 1. The Kachkovs'kyi Society and the Ruthenian Council called on their affiliates to send deputations to Lemberg for the reception. Nauka, July 1,1880;Google Scholaribid., Aug. 1,1880; Slovo, Aug. 20,1880; ibid., Aug. 21,1880; Dilo, Aug. 21,1880.

72 Slovo, Aug. 12,1880, p. 1Google Scholar

73 Dilo, Aug. 21,1880, pp. 1–2. The Ruthenian committee did agree to convene a mass meeting after the departure of the emperor. This All-Party Ruthenian Meeting took place on November 30 in conjunction with the centennial anniversary of Joseph II's accession to the throne. TheRuthenians contrasted Joseph II's recognition of their rights with the suppression of these rights by the Poles in the era of Polish autonomy. The all-Ruthenian meeting and Joseph II celebrations coincided with festivities organized by Polish democrats for the fiftieth anniversary of the failed November Uprising against Russian rule. The Polish conservatives opposed all of these events. DALO, 350/1/2378/56 [Pr. 969. Police Report to Ministry of the Interior, Aug. 24,1880]; DALO, 350/1/2378/59. German liberals also celebrated Joseph II, rallying German support for the policies of centralization allegedly ini iated by Joseph II and, in 1880, threatened by the Taaffe system.Google Scholar

74 TsDIAL, 146/4/3465/1 [Z. 7549, pr. 23 July, 1880. Metropolitan Josyf Sembratovych to Potocki].

75 Dilo, Sept. 15,1880, 2; Nowolecki, Pamiptka podróźy, 164–66.Google Scholar

76 The Statthalterei received reports that the Ruthenian committee was agitating in the provinces to gather signatures on a petition of grievances to be handed the emperor at the National Home. The Ruthenian Council and the Kachkovs'kyi Society seemed to favor such action prior to August 24. Slovo, Aug. 21,1880, p. 1. The Polish provincial administration feared that this could become a “demonstration against the Poles, which would be unpleasant for us and for the emperor.” TsDIAL, 146/4/3468/85; Chledowski, Pamiętniki, 1:392–93. In the end, no attempt was made to pass such petitions toGoogle ScholarFrancis, Joseph at the National Home. The event did, however, serve as an all-Ruthenian national reception for the emperor. Places were set aside in the hall for representatives of the Stauropegion Institute, National Home, Ruska Rada, Halytsko-Ruska Matytsia, Prosvita, Shevchenko Society, Ruska Besida, Druzhnyi Lykhvar, Akademicheskii Kruzhok, and the Kachkovs'kyi Society.Shcherban, A. N', ed., Eho ts. i. k. Velychestvo Fmnts-Iosyf I v “Narodnom Domi” dnia 2. (14.) veresnia 1880 h. (His Imperial and Royal Majesty Francis Joseph I in the “National Home” on 14 September 1880) (L'viv, 1880), 6–7; Nowolecki, Pamiątka podróży, 184–88; TsDIAL, 146/4/3486/118 and 146/4//467/41.Google Scholar

77 TsDIAL, 146/3468/63 and 3468/95.

78 TsDIAL, 146/4/3468/30; TsDIAL 146/4/3468/144.

79 Nauka, Sept. 1/Oct. 1,1880, 324–33. Nauka reported that twenty-four local Ruthenian gatherings had approved a petition of grievances over servitudes, Polish election manipulations, lack of Ruthenian language education, and a host of other issues. Nauka approved of the sentiments expressed, but complained that the petition was written in Polish: “Do these gatherings not know, that Emperor Joseph, Francis is emperor of the Ruthenians and so to him the Ruthenian language is no less worthy than Polish?” Ruthenian peasants handed these petitions to court officials in Krysowice.Google Scholar

80 GN, Sept. 18,1880, p. 2.Google Scholar

81 Slovo, Sept. 23,1880, p. 1; NFP (morning edition), Sept. 24,1880, p. 5. The cooperation of all the Ruthenian institutions led the national populists to look forward optimistically to future all- Ruthenian cooperation for the enlightenment of the Ruthenian people. Dilo, Sept. 22,1880, pp. 2–3.Google Scholar

82 Przegląd Polski 15, no. 2 (1880): 6–38.Google Scholar

83 Czas, Sept. 21, p. 1, Sept. 22,1880, p. 1.Google Scholar

84 Fremden-Blatt (morning edition), Sept. 21,1880, p. 1.Google Scholar

85 WAZ (morning edition), Sept. 18,1880, p. 1.Google Scholar

86 Loebenstein, 's reports are collected in HHStA, NZA, r. XV, Hofreisen 1880, ct. 367.Google Scholar

87 HStA, NZA, r. XV, Hofreisen 1880, ct. 367 [Telegram no. 4335, Sept. 11,1880; No. 821, Sept. 15,1880; No. 4507, Sept. 18,1880; No. 853, Sept. 19,1880; Mondel to Obersthofmeister Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst].