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Enlightenment from Below: German-Hungarian Patriots in Eighteenth-Century Hungary

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 February 2009

Balázs A. Szelényi
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Extract

Paradox and Contradiction often characterized the formation and evolution of national identity in the Hungarian Kingdom. Starting in the mid nineteenth century, an explosion occurred in efforts to recover supposedly ancient “ethnic” memory as historians, linguists, and archeologists produced one great breakthrough after another, revolutionizing their conceptions of the past. At the same time, an equally strong forgetting of the complex multicultural and multiethnic reality of the region also transpired.1 The parallel processes of recovering and forgetting intensified after the end of World War I. By the 1930s and 1940s, Slovak historians had reconstructed their history on the foundations of the Great Moravian Empire, Romanian textbooks became dominated by the Daco-Roman continuity thesis, and Hungarian historical narratives were almost exclusively concerned with the history of the Magyars. While historians did occasionally write books that were not biased in favor of their respective ethnic-national groups, they remained marginalized and, most importantly, the mass of students learning history at the middle, high school, and university levels were only superficially introduced to the role other ethnic groups played in their history.

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Articles
Information
Austrian History Yearbook , Volume 34 , January 2003 , pp. 111 - 143
Copyright
Copyright © Center for Austrian Studies, University of Minnesota 2003

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References

1 Tibor Pichler made this point in “Searching for Lost Memory” in Collective Identities in Central Europe in Modern Times, ed. Csáky, M. and Mannová, E. (Bratislava, 1999), 53–64Google Scholar. For additional literature, see Jan, Assmann, Das kulturelle Gedächtnis. Schrift, Erinnerung (Munich 1992);Google ScholarMoritz, Csáky, “Pluralität. Bemerkungen zum Dichten System der zentral-europäischen,” in Neo-Helicon 23 (1996): 9–30;Google ScholarMaurice, Halbwachs, Das Gedächtnis und seine sozialen Bedingungen (Frankfurt, 1985);Google Scholaridem, Das Kollektive Gedächtnis (Frankfurt, 1985);Google ScholarRichard, Reichensperger, “The Art of Memory between Paris and Vienna,” in Collective Identities, ed. Csáky, and Mannová, , 23–44Google Scholar

2 See Thomas, Bender, “Strategies of Narrative Synthesis in American History,” American Historical Review 107, no. 1 (2002): 129.Google Scholar Bender points out, “With the exception of the historians of France that I will note, histories of other modern nations seem to have had fewer doubts about the basic framing of a narrative synthesis, and they have not felt compelled to develop new approaches, even though in many cases the other work of authors involved has been strikingly innovative. Yet the social, intellectual, and political developments that have complicated American historiography are likely, I suspect, to make themselves felt in other national historiographies fairly soon, a point recently made by Jacques Revel, a leading French historian” (129). Important works on this topic include Eric Hobsbawm and Terence, Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge, 1983);Google ScholarWerner, Sollors, ed., The Invention of Ethnicity (New York, 1989);Google Scholar and Anthony, Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford, 1986).Google Scholar

3 Important work in the “new history” is being done at various institutions and by historians and ethnic researchers, including in the Forschungsprogramm of “Grenzenloses Österreich,” in the activities of Moritz Csáky at the University of Graz, Austria and Elena Mannová at the Institute of History at the Slovak Academy of Sciences, Bratislava. Other noteworthy studies are being conducted at the Center of Ethnic and Minority Studies at the Institute of History of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest, directed by László Szarka, and the Center for the Study of Nationalism at the Central European University, Budapest, directed by Máiria Kovács.

4 The specific historical narrative and the new textbooks used have varied from one school to the next, depending on the political inclination of the history teacher and/or principal. Unfortunately, with the fall of communism many historians have become openly ethnic-nationalist and the spread of ethnic-national narratives has grown.

5 Malachi Haim, Hacohen, “Dilemmas of Cosmopolitanism: Karl Popper, Jewish Identity, and Central European Culture,” Journal of Modern History 71, no. 1 (1999): 105–49Google Scholar, quotation p. 106. Hacohen further points out, “Critics doubted that Central Europe shared a common cultural legacy and reminded proponents that multiculturalism gave rise not only to cosmopolitanism but also to ethnonational strife that ran the empire aground. Moreover, they argued that, in the absence of a cosmopolitan Jewish intelligentsia—so prominent in fin de siècle urban centers—the brutally interrupted past was unlikely to reemerge” (106). On this point, Hacohen is referring to Steven, Beller's article, “Central Europe: Birthplace of the Modern World?” Austrian History Yearbook 23 (1992): 72–90Google Scholar

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9 The contributions of Friedrich Raimund Kaindl (1866–1930) and Wilhelm Winkler (1884–1984) are noteworthy.

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12 Notable contributions to this field have been made by Péter, HanákGoogle Scholar, whose work is now available in English in Péter, Hanák, The Garden and the Workshop (Princeton, 1998);Google ScholarHanák, , ed., Zsidókérdés, asszimiláció, antiszemitizmus (The Jewish question, assimilation, anti-Semitism) (Budapest, 1984)Google Scholar. See also George, Barany, “Magyar Jews or Jewish Magyars,” Canadian-American Slavic Studies 8, no. 1 (1979): 1–44;Google ScholarWilliam, McCagg, Jewish Nobles and Geniuses in Modern Hungary (Boulder, 1972);Google ScholarBé, V´gó, Jewish Assimilation in Modern Times (Boulder, 1981);Google ScholarViktor, Karády, Önazonosítás, sorsválaszlás (Self-identity, destiny) (Budapest, 2001);Google Scholaridem, “Jewish Enrollment Patterns in Classical Secondary Education in Old Regime and Interwar Hungary,” Studies in Contemporary Jewry, ed. Jonathan, Frankel (Bloomington, 1984), 225–52Google Scholar. There is a rich collection of works on Viennese Jews that includes Carl, Schorske, Fin-de-Siècle Vienna: Politics and Culture (New York, 1980);Google ScholarMarsha, Rozenblit, The Jews in Vienna, 1867–1914 (Albany, 1983);Google ScholarSteven, Beller, Vienna and the Jews, 1867–1938: A Cultural History (Cambridge, 1989);Google ScholarPeter, Gay, Freud, Jews and Other Germans (New York, 1978);Google ScholarJacques Le, Rider, Das Ende der Illusion. Die Wiener Moderne und die Krisen der Identität (Vienna, 1990)Google Scholar

13 For an introduction to the literature on the German diaspora after World War II from a demographic-statistical point of view, start with Alfred, Bohmann, Menschen und Grenzen, 4 vols. (Cologne, 1969–75)Google Scholar. A good introduction to Slovakia is Dušan, Kováč, Nemecko a nemecká menšina na Slovensku (1871–1945) (Bratislava, 1991);Google Scholaridem, “Die Ungarndeutschen in der Politik des deutschen Imperialismus bis 1914,” Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft 39 (1991): 153–62; and idem, “Das nationale Selbstverstándnis der deutschen Minderheit in der Slowakei,” Österreichische Osthefte 33 (1991): 269–84. A good summary of the German question in the Hungarian Kingdom is by Gerhard, Seewann and Edgar, Hösch, Aspekte ethnischer Identität: Ergebnisse des Forschungsprojekts “Deutsche und Magyaren als nationale Minderheiten im Donauraum” (Munich, 1991);Google Scholaridem, eds., Minderheitenfragen in Südosteuropa (Munich, 1992)Google Scholar. The literature on the Germans in Transylvania is arguably the most sophisticated, supported in part by the Siebenbürgen-Institut in Germany directed by Herald Roth. Many interesting books have been published with support from this institute in collaboration with the Böhlau Verlag in Vienna.

14 Domokos, Kosáry, Művelődés a XVIII. Századi Magyaroszágon (Culture and society in Hungary in the eighteenth century) (Budapest, 1996);Google ScholarGábor, Tolnai, Egy erdélyi gróf a felvilágosult Europában (A Transylvanian count in enlightened Europe) (Budapest, 1987).Google Scholar

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16 For all town names, I have used the current spelling with the German and Hungarian names in parentheses.

17 Samuel, Weber, A késmárki vértanúk (The martyrs of Kežmark) (Prešov, 1908);Google Scholaridem, Buchholtz, György és kora 1634–1724 (The life and rimes of George Buchholtz) (Budapest, 1892), which includes the diary of George Buchholtz, a Lutheran minister who records the experience of leading Protestant families during the second half of the seventeenth century;Google ScholarCracium, I., Razvratirea sasilor din Braşov la 1688 (Revolt of the Saxons of Braşov in 1688) (Bucharest, 1956);Google ScholarVárkonyi, Ágnes R., “A Habsburg-abszolutizmus berendezése magyarországon, 1686–1711” (The establishment of Habsburg absolutism in Hungary, 1686–1703)Google Scholar, in Magyarország töténete, 1686–1790 (History of Hungary, 1686–1790), ed. Gyozo, Ember and Gusztav, Heckenast, vol. 1 (Budapest, 1989), 83–98;Google ScholarLászló, Benczédi, A hegyaljai kurucfelkelés 1697-ben (The Kuruc uprising of Hegyalija in 1697) (Budapest, 1953).Google Scholar

18 For the 1720s statistic, see Magyarország népessége a Pragmatica Sanctio kor´ban, 1720–21 (Hungarian society at the time of the Pragmatic Sanction period, 1720–21) (Budapest, 1896)Google Scholar. For statistics after 1780, see Az Első Magyarországi Népszáml´l´s, 1784–1787 (The first Hungarian census, 1784–1787) (Budapest, 1960).Google Scholar

19 Perry, Anderson, Lineages of the Absolutist State (London, 1989), 195.Google Scholar

20 Henrik, Marczali, Magyarország története II. József kor´ban (The history of Hungary in the age of Joseph II), vol. 1 (Budapest, 1881–1988), 193;Google ScholarBal´zs, E´va H., Hungary and the Habsburgs, 1765–1800 (Budapest, 1997), 125.Google Scholar

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25 Between 1746 and 1772, Szekfű found that 117 students from Magyar aristocratic families went through the Theresianum. Szekfű, , Magyar történet, 5:24–25.Google Scholar

26 Ibid.

27 Ibid., 26.

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29 Gábor, Tolnai, Régi magyar főurak (Hungarian aristocrats of old) (Budapest, 1939).Google Scholar

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31 Ibid., 1:487–91. The best work on this topic is by István, Rácz, Városlakó nemesek az Alföldön 1541–1848 között (Urbanized nobles of the plains between 1541–1848) (Budapest, 1988)Google Scholar. According to a well-known story, Voltaire was brutally beaten by a nobleman in France and could not defend himself because of his non-noble status. The event played a profound role in his leaving for England and writing his classic condemnation of French noble privileges, Letters from England (1734).

32 Karl, Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia (New York, 1936).Google Scholar

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34 City Archive of Košice, KK Schneider/1–3.1586–1675.

35 Ibid.

36 György, Kerekes, A kassai kereskedok életéről 1687–1913 (The life of the merchants of Košice) (Budapest, 1913);Google Scholaridem, Bepillantás Kassa régi céhéletébe, 1597–1647 (A look at the history of the Early Merchants' Guild of Košice, 1597–1647) (Budapest, 1912).Google Scholar

37 The supposed loan was for one million forints. If this is true, it would represent one of the largest loans given to the Magyar insurgence, but further research is needed to ascertain the true amount. See Hungarian National Archive (MOL), Neo Regestrata Acta Fasc. 54. No. 12. Johann George Schneider, 1729.10.8.

38 District Archive Košice. AZI, 130, Schneider, 414.

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45 A number of works can be consulted on these details. See Sándor, Münnich, Igló királyi korona és bányaváros története (History of the royal mining town of Spišská Nová Ves) (Iglo, 1896);Google ScholarKálmán, Demkó, “A szepesi jog keletkézése és viszonya országos jogunkhoz és a németországi anyajoghoz” (The origins and relationship of Zipser law to Hungarian and German law), in Értekezések Szepes Vármegye Múltjábol (1881), 1–41;Google Scholaridem, Locse, Története (History of Levoča) (Leutschau, 1897)Google Scholar. See also my dissertation, Balázs, Szelényi, “German Burghers in Sixteenth to Nineteenth Century Hungary: A Study of a Substitute Middle Class” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1998).Google Scholar

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47 Ödön, Szelényi, “Johann Genersich, 1761–1823. Egy szepesi pedagógus” (Johann Genersich, 1761–1823. A Zipser pedagogue), in Közlémények Szepes Vármegye Múltjábol (1914), 1–74,113–140.Google Scholar

48 Ibid.

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50 Balázs, , Hungary and the Habsburgs.Google Scholar

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56 Ibid.

57 Ibid. For Martin Liedemann's boarding school plans, see District Archive of Levoca. Sz Podzupan Koresp. Horváth Stansith. Liedemann Martin, 1795–98.

58 Benedict, Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1983).Google Scholar

59 Hungarian National Archives, 53. Berzeviczy Family 125 cs. Gergely Berzeviczy's unpublished essays on the development of commerce and trade and manufacturing in the Hungarian Kingdom.

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61 Ibid.

62 Ibid., 172. The comment that Ferenc Széchenyi had attended the Theresianum was made by Barany, , “Hoping against Hope,” 327. Ferenc Széchenyi was the father of István Széchenyi and the founder of the Hungarian National Museum.Google Scholar

63 Kann, , Austrian Intellectual History, 190.Google Scholar

64 Ibid. Also see Joseph von, Sonnenfels, “Der Mann ohne Vorurteil,”Google Scholar in idem., Gesammelte Schriften (Vienna, 1783), 352,337.Google Scholar

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70 Béla, Pukánszky, Német polgárság magyar földön (German burghers on Hungarian soil) (Budapest, 1936), 12.Google Scholar

71 Ibid., 76. Emphasis in Original.

72 Barany, , “Hoping against Hope,” 319–57, quotation p. 339.Google Scholar

73 Ibid. From György, Bessenyei, Magyarság (To be Magyar) (Vienna, 1779).Google Scholar

74 Hungarian National Library, Special Collections, Correspondences of Johann Genersich.

75 This view of the language question was similar to that of Joseph II when he made German the official language of the empire. Although Hungarian nationalists have referred to Joseph II's decree to replace Latin with German as an attempt to Germanize the Hungarian Kingdom, they failed to realize that Joseph II was simply not working within the same categories as modern ethnic-nationalist historians. German was chosen because it made sense; policy must be based on reason and utility. Similarly, the German Hungarian philosophes, while German-born, could declare that, if it made rational sense, Hungarian should be made the official language. There are many who, with good reason, would disagree. As Professor Robert Kann long ago pointed out, “Indeed, the endeavors of Joseph's regime to impose German as the official language of his realms—in Hungary, according to the Edict of 1784, within not more than three years—appear now in new light.... One should not fail to see Josephine Germanism in conjuncture with the beginnings of the Slavonic cultural Renaissance and of the early Magyar-Hungarian reform period as a stage of cultural nationalism.” Kann, , Austrian Intellectual History, 141.Google Scholar

76 Németh, B. G., “Az úri középosztály történetének egy dokumentuma:Google ScholarHerczeg, Ferenc emlékezései” (A document in the history of the gentleman middle class: Ferenc Herczeg's memoirs)Google Scholar, in Ferenc, Herczeg, Emlékezések (Memoirs) (Budapest, 1985), 5–32, quotation pp. 11–12.Google Scholar

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78 Diary, in author's possession.Google Scholar

79 Pukánszky, , Német polgárság magyar földön, 143.Google Scholar

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84 Barany, , “Hoping against Hope,” 348.Google Scholar