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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 May 2025
“Israel and Japan are situated at opposite ends of Asia, but this is a fact which binds them together rather than separates them. The vast continent of Asia is their connecting link, and the consciousness of their Asian destiny is their common thought.”
David Ben-Gurion, 1 July 1952
[1] State of Israel, Israel State Archives, “Message from Mr. David Ben-Gurion, Prime Minister of Israel,”1 July 1952, Orig.: 200/4076, File 290/190.
[2] Japan issued this statement in order to get its name removed from the list of oil embargoed countries.
[3] Ikeda Akifumi claimed that relations prior to 1973 were “no more than just normal.” See Akifumi Ikeda, “Japan's Relations with Israel,” in Kaoru Sugihara and J. A. Allan, Japan in the Contemporary Middle East, (London: Routledge, 1993), 156. Japan's former Ambassador to Iraq, Katakura Kunio, explained that until the oil shock Japan's Middle East policy was “objectively speaking neutral and not pro-Arab.” See Katakura Kunio, “Narrow Options for a Pro-Arab Shift: Japan's response to the Arab oil strategy in 1973,” AJAMES, No. 1, (1986), 107. In his article on Japan-Israel relations Ben-Ami Shillony argued that, “until 1967, Japan maintained a strict neutrality in the Arab-Israeli conflict.” Taken from Ben-Ami Shillony, “Japan and Israel: the relationship that withstood pressures,” Middle East Review, (Winter 1985), 17-18. Yasumasa Kuroda portrayed the relationship between Japan and the Middle East as one determined by, “Japan's general tendency … to avoid taking sides.” See Yasumasa Kuroda, “Japan and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict,” in Edward J. Lincoln (ed.), Japan and the Middle East, (Washington, D.C.: The Middle East Institute, 1990), 43-44 and Yasumasa Kuroda, “The oil crisis and Japan's new Middle East Policy, 1973,” AJAMES, No. 1, 1986, 150-187. Others taking a similar approach include William R. Nester, Japan and the Third World: Patterns, Power, Prospects, (Houndmills, Hampshire and New York: Macmillan, 1992), 207; Alan Dowty, “Japan and the Middle East: Signs of Change,” MERIA, Vol. 4, No. 4, (December 2000); Kurt W. Radtke, “Japan-Israel Relations in the 1980s,” Asian Survey, Vol. XXVIII, No. 5, (May 1988), 527 and Willy Stern, “Japan: A willing participant in the Arab boycott of Israel,” Middle East Review, (Fall 1988), 48.
[4] Prior to this Japan consumed coal for the majority of its energy needs. For example, in 1953 oil accounted for only twenty-three percent of Japan's total energy consumption. Although, Japan's shift to oil began around 1954, the Japanese government continued to restrict oil consumption to protect the coal industry until the early 1960s. Manabu Shimizu also confirms this in, “Japan's Middle East Policy,” Japan Quarterly, (October-December 1988), 383. Also see Kaoru Sugihara, “Japan, the Middle East and the World Economy: A note on the oil triangle,” in Kaoru Sugihara and J. A. Allan (eds.), Japan in the Contemporary Middle East, (New Jersey: Routledge, 1993), 4.
[5] See Naoki Maruyama, “Japan's Response to the Zionist Movement in the 1920s,” Bulletin of the Graduate School of International Relations, No. 2 (December 1984), 29.
[6] World Zionist Organization, Central Zionist Archives, Jerusalem, Copy Z4/2039.
[7] For more on the Paris Peace Conference see, Mark. R. Peattie, “The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895-1945,” in Peter Duus (ed.), The Cambridge History of Japan, Vol. 6, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 228. Also see Barbara J. Brooks, Japan's Imperial Diplomacy: Consuls, Treaty Ports, and War in China 1895-1938, (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2000), 31.
[8] Yanaihara Tadao, Yanaihara Tadao Zenshu, Vol. 4, 184, edited by Nambara Shigeru (Tokyo, Japan: Iwanami Shoten 1965). From here on in YTZ. The reference to Jacob J. Stoyanovski is from his work The Mandate for Palestine: a contribution to the theory and practice of international mandates,” (London, U.K.: Longmans Green, 1928), 42-3.
[9] Yanaihara Tadao, YTZ, Vol. 23, 596-597.
[10] For a discussion of Yanaihara's endorsement of Zionist settlement see John de Boer, “In Promotion of Colonialism: Yanaihara Tadao's Rendering of Zionist Colonial Settlements,” Paper Presented at the Western Conference of the Association of Asian Studies, (Panel 24, 1 October 2004). Yanaihara published excerpts of his notes on his trip to Palestine, which are reproduced in Volume 26 of YTZ, 721-31.
[11] Yanaihara Tadao, “Yudaya Mondai” in Yanaihara Tadao, Nihon Heiwaron Taikei: Yanaihara Tadao, (Tokyo, Japan: Nihon Tosho Center, 1993), 269-77. Also see Volume 1 of his complete works, Yanaihara Tadao Zenshu. According to Usuki Akira, this essay represented the first Japanese academic analysis of the Zionist movement. See Usuki Akira, “Jerusalem in the Mind of the Japanese: Two Japanese Christian Intellectuals on Ottoman and British Palestine” Annals of Japan Association for Middle East Studies, vol. 19, no. 2 (2004), 40.
[12] Chosen Sotokufu Chosa Shiryo 43, “Palesuchina ni oite Yudayajin Nogyo Imin no Seiko shitsutsu aru Riyu,” (1936) as quoted in Oiwakawa Kazumasa, Gendai Isuraeru no Shakai Keizai Kozo: Paresuchina ni Okeru Yudayajin nyushokumura no kenkyu, (Tokyo, Japan: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppan, 1983), 18, 27.
[13] See Nihon Gakujutsu Shinko-Kai Gakujutsu-bu Dai-2 Tokubetsu Iinkai, Manshu Imin Mondai to Jisseki Chosa, (Tokyo, December 1936), 41.
[14] Utsunomiya, Yudaya Mondai to Nihon, 401.
[15] The name of the plan reflects the antiSemitic attitude of the Japanese. It refers to the poisonous blowfish, which if not prepared properly, is dangerous and could kill. Tetsu Kohno, “Debates on the Jewish Question in Japan,” Hosei University Faculty of Liberal Arts, Proceedings No. 46 (1983), 15. Colonel Yasue Norihiro was the Japanese Imperial Army expert on Jewish Affairs.
[16] Yasue Norihiro wrote under the pen name Ho Koshi when he translated the Protocols of Zion into Japanese. On the second page of his book, Inuzuka Koreshige (pen name Utsunomiya Kiyo), head of Naval Advisory Board on Jewish Affairs, Imperial Navy of Japan, wrote, “the holy war in which Japan is engaged has radically shifted from a military battle to a battle of all fronts. We have come to a point where the main focus of this battle of all fronts has to be based on an ideological battle…for Eastern thought is not represented whatsoever in the West.” He continued claiming that, “the source of Western power relies on the international secret power of the Jews…and we will only reach the glory of our objective after we have won the ideological battle.” Inuzuka's policy sought to take advantage of Jewish economic, political and media connections in the West. “European and American power,” stated Inuzuka, “is dependent on a secret power source, that is the power of the international Jews.. In order to win the ideological war, we need their persuasive power.” See Utsunomiya, Kiyo, Yudaya Mondai to Nihon, (Tokyo, Japan: Naigaisho Shuppan, 1939), 2-3.
[17] Great Britain recognized Israel in January 1949.
[18] According to Jewish sources, Khan was regarded by many as the most formidable delegate representing the Palestinian cause. World Zionist Organization, Central Zionist Archives, “M. Comay [New York] to B. Gering,” 3 December 1947, Orig.: 93.03/3266/15.
[19] Thailand was absent during the voting.
[20] See United Nations General Assembly, “Discussions on the Question of Palestine,” A/286, 3 April 1947; UNGA, “Discussions on the Question of Palestine,” A/287, 21 April 1947; See United Nations General Assembly, “70 Plenary Meeting Question of Palestine,” A/2, 1 May 1947; United Nations General Assembly, “71 Plenary Meeting Question of Palestine,” A/2, 1 May 1947; United Nations General Assembly, “75 Plenary Meeting Question of Palestine,” A/2, 5 May 1947 and United Nations General Assembly, “79 Plenary Meeting Question of Palestine,” A/2, 15 May 1947.
[21] G. H. Jansen, Zionism, Israel and Asian Nationalism, (Beirut: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1971), 178, 182 as quoted in Edward W. Said, Ibrahim Abu-Lughod, Janet Abu- Lughod, Muhammed Hallaj and Elia Zureik, “A Profile of the Palestinian People,” in Edward W. Said and Christopher Hitchens (eds), Blaming the Victims: Spurious Scholarship and the Palestine Question, (London: Verso, 1988), 239.
[22] G. H. Jansen, Zionism, Israel and Asian Nationalism, 178, 182 as quoted in Edward W. Said, et al, Blaming the Victims, 239.
[23] World Zionist Organization, Central Zionist Archives, “M. Fischer [Paris] to M. Shertok [New York], E. Epstein [Washington], H. Berman [Jerusalem], I. J. Linton [New York],” 20 January 1948, 93.03/128/10. Moshe Shertok later changed his name to Moshe Sharett and became Israel's first Minister for Foreign Affairs, H. Berman (Haim Raday) later Counselor for the Israeli Delegation to the UN, Ivor Joseph Linton was later Consul General of Israel in London and Minister to Japan.
[24] Minister is the equivalent of an Ambassador and a legation corresponds to an Embassy. The agreement was published on 15 May 1952 in order to coincide with the anniversary of Israel's independence. Gaimusho Archives, “Isuraeru to no Koukou Kakuritsu Kankei,” European and American Affairs Bureau, 1 May 1952, File: A’0126, 216/8.
[25] “Israel to Name Minister to Tokyo,” Jerusalem Post, 25 May 1952.
[26] State of Israel, Israel State Archives, “Memorandum: Y. Shimoni [Tel Aviv] to W. Eytan,” 11, January 1950.
[27] This comment was made by J. I. Linton the first Israeli Minister to Japan in 1952. State of Israel, Israel State Archives, “Undated and Unnamed note.” 159/777/5.
[28] State of Israel, Israel State Archives, “J. I. Linton to W. Eytan,” date unknown, Orig.: 159/777/5.
[29] State of Israel, Israel State Archives, “J. I. Linton [Tokyo] to M. Sharett [Jerusalem],” 20 January 1954, Copy: T/200/1209.
[30] State of Israel, Israel State Archives, “J. I. Linton [Tokyo] to M. Fischer [Ankara],” 29 July 1955, Copy:T/200/3650.
[31] State of Israel, Israel State Archives, “J. O. Ronall [Tokyo] to W. Eytan [Tel Aviv],” 10 April 1955, Copy: T/233/3154. According to Ronall this data came from the Bank of Japan.
[32] For Egypt's military mission to Japan see, “Ejiputo Rikugun Gikan Ikou Rainichi,” Asahi Shinbun, 25 June 1956. For exports to Syria see “Funso Nai Kuni Nara Yoi,” Asahi Shinbun, 20 April 1956 and “Sangiin wa Shinchou ni Bangi Seyo,” Asahi Shinbun, 22 April 1956.
[33] Under the Japanese Military Secrets Bill and the Mutual Security Agreement (MSA) with the US, Japan was required to gain permission from the U.S. prior to selling weapons that were under a U.S. patent. State of Israel, Israel State Archives, “J. O. Ronall [Tokyo] to J. Horam [Jerusalem],” 3 August 1954, Copy: T/233/1840.
[34] The likely deal was the order placed by Syria to Japanese manufactures regarding the purchasing of rockets and rocket launchers in April 1956. The Asahi Shinbun took up this issue on 21 April and quoted the US as giving explicit approval that was limited to one condition only. Namely that “the Japanese do not export more rockets and rocket launchers than the Syrians need.” See “Bei no sansei wa jyouken zuke,” Asahi Shinbun, 21 April 1956. Also see State of Israel, Israel State Archives, “J. I. Linton [Tokyo] to D. Lewin [Jerusalem],” 3 July 1956, Copy: T/320/4821.
[35] Information on Japanese arms exports to Arab countries is based on documents that were probably leaked by someone at the US embassy in Japan. Israeli reports note that they were intercepted from the US economic intelligence branch at the US embassy in Tokyo. State of Israel, Israel State Archives, “Economic Intelligence Branch, US Embassy [Tokyo] to J. O. Ronall [Tokyo],” 4 June 1954. Also see State of Israel, Israel State Archives, “A. Dagan [Tokyo] to D. Lewin [Jerusalem],” 21 October 1955, Original: T/320/4160 and State of Israel, Israel State Archives, “J. I. Linton [Tokyo] to D. Lewin [Jerusalem],” 7 December 1955, Copy: T/444/488.
[36] Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Indonesia, Asia-Africa Speaks from Bandung, 1955, 87-89.
[37] State of Israel, Israel State Archives, “J. I. Linton [Tokyo] to W. Eytan [Jerusalem],” 14 January 1955, Copy: T/200/3043.
[38] Ben-Ami Shillony, “Japan and Israel: The relationship that withstood pressures,” Middle East Review, (Winter 1985), 4 and State of Israel, Israel State Archives, “A. Dagan [Tokyo] to D. Lewin [Jerusalem],” 18 November 1955, Copy: T/207/4656.
[39] State of Israel, Israel State Archives, “A. Dagan [Tokyo] to D. Lewin [Jerusalem],” 15 December 1955, Copy: T/207/4337.
[40] State of Israel, Israel State Archives, “A. Dagan [Tokyo] to D. Lewin [Jerusalem],” 5 January 1956, T/207/4411.
[41] See “Bandung Kaigi ni Nozomu,” Asahi Shinbun, 18 April 1955.
[42] Gaimusho Archives, “Bandung Heiwa Sengen”, April 1955, File: B’0049, 670/14/0304.
[43] Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Indonesia, Asia-Africa Speaks from Bandung, 1955, 166.
[44] See “Magari Kado ni kita Sekai: Arabu no yoake,” Asahi Shinbun, 20 December 1955.
[45] To my knowledge, the United States was not an important factor in Japan's policies pertaining to Israel/Palestine at this stage. In fact, eager to gain a foothold in oil producing Arab states and to discourage communism in the region, at this time the U.S. did not emphasize a pro-Israeli position.
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