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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 19 July 2011
Five buildings in Venice are cited by Ruskin as illustra ‘the last degradation of the Renaissance. San Moisé is the most clumsy, Santa Maria Zobenigo the most impious, St.Eustachio the most ridiculous the Ospedaletto the most monstrous, and the head at Santa Maria Formosa the most foul.’ In respect, however, of St. Eustachio (or S. Stae as it is known in the Venetian dialect), the verdict is mitigated on a later page, where we are told that the church is remarkable for the dramatic effect of the group of sculpture on its façade. Would this effect, we wonder, have been further enlivened for Ruskin had he been aware that ‘our own Saxon Oswald’ (as he speaks of him elsewhere with a touch of affection) was represented by a large baroque statue in the niche on the left-hand side?
page 167 note 1 Ruskin, J., Stones of Venice, iii (ed. 1903), p. 315Google Scholar.
page 167 note 2 Op. cit., p. 124.
page 167 note 3 Val d'Arno (ed. 1900), p. 89.
page 167 note 4 Corner, F., Notizie storiche delle chiese e monasterie Venezia (Padua, 1758), p. 390Google Scholar; Lorenzetti, G., Venezia e il suo estuario (Venice, 1927), p.446Google Scholar.
page 167 note 5 Giuseppe Torretto, Antonio Tarsia, Pietro Baratta, Antonio Corradini, Giuseppe and Paolo Groppelli, Paolo Callalo, Matteo Calderon, and Giovanni Cabianca. Except for Corradini, who is thought on stylistic grounds to have been responsible for the three statues on the pediment, and for Torretto, who has been claimed for the central group over the door, we do not know how the work was shared out, as the records are silent. Mariacher, G., ‘Lo scultore Antonio Corradini’, in Arte Veneta, i (1947), pp. 263ffGoogle Scholar. Twenty thousand ducats were left for building the façcade in Istrian marble, with statues of Carrara marble calculated resist the blast of the north wind.
page 167 note 6 Coronelli, V. M., Singolarità di Venezia(Venice, n.d.), p. 136Google Scholar. Cf.Armao, E., Vincenzo Coronelli (Florence, 1944), p. 175Google Scholar, where the date of publication is given as ‘presumibilmente nel 1708’. It is likely, however, to have been two or three years later, as the design for S. Stae is dated 1710.
page 167 note 7 I have to thank Signor Fabio Mauroner for his kindness in making inquiries on this point.
page 167 note 8 There is a possibility that the change may have been prompted byan outbreak of plague. St. Sebastian was invoked in times of pestilence, as was St. Oswald at this period.
page 167 note 9 This photograph was appropriately taken for me by Signor Osvaldo Böhm. The name of our saint is fairly uncommon in Venice to-day, and Signor Böhm tells me that he is a namesake of‘Oswald lord Nelvil, pair d'Écosse’, the hero of Madame de Staël's novel, Corinne, ou l'ltalie.
page 168 note 1 Lorenzetti, , op. cit., p. 446Google Scholar, has mistaken this picture for a Glorification of St. Eustace, and the error is repeated in Damerini, G., I Pittori Veneziani del '700 (Bologna, 1928), p. 214Google Scholar, but the identity is vouched for by several of the older authorities. Boschini, M., Descrizione di tutte le pubbliche pitture della città di Venezia (Venice, 1733), p. 439Google Scholar(‘La pala di Sant’ Osvaldo è opera celebre di Antonio Balestra’); Della Pittura Veneziana e delle Opere Pubbliche de' Veneziani Maestri (Venice, 1771), p. 435Google Scholar; Moschini, G., Guida per la città di Venezia, ii (Venice, 1815), p. 143Google Scholar; Il' forestiere istruito nelle cose più pregevoli e curiose antiche e moderne della città di Venezia, ii (Venice, 1819), p. 390Google Scholar.
page 168 note 2 The lamp is still lit and mass is said at this altar on 5th August,
page 168 note 3 Manzoni, G., Orazione panegirica in onore di S. Osvaldo Re di Northumberland recitata nella chiesa P. e C. di S. Eustachio di Venezia I'anno 1771 (Ferrara, 1774)Google Scholar. The preacher, who was a ‘member of the Electoral Academy of Mannheim etc. etc’ is said tohave gained distinction for his censure of the abuses of the carnival and for a set of stories intended to teach children the rules of Italian grammar.
page 168 note 4 Pratica divota nell Ottavario e nell' Solennità che si celebra nelle chiesa di Sant' Eustachio ad onor del Glorioso Sant' Osvaldo Re di Northumbria, Protettore de' grava-mente Infermi, e principalmente Febbricitanti (Venice, 1783, 1801, and 1831).
page 168 note 5 Federigo, G., Topografia fisica-medica della città di Venezia, iii (Padua, 1832), pp. 53 f., 57Google Scholar. Venice enjoys a notably healthy climate, but was the victim of diseases imported through its trade with the East. The plague is said to have broken out no less than seventy-three times in the life of the Republic. Molmenti, P., La storia di Venezia nella Vita Privata, ii (Bergamo, 1911), pp. 87 ffGoogle Scholar.
page 169 note 1 Cicogna, E. A., Saggio di Bibliografia Veneziana (Venice, 1847), P. 750Google Scholar It maY be noted (p. 749) that there was a pestilence in 1711, bearing out, perhaps, our conjecture for the change of statues on the facade of S. Stae.
page 169 note 2 Lorenzetti, , op. cit., pp. 578fGoogle Scholar.
page 169 note 3 Not worthy of mention by Lorenzetti. In 1949 the picture was concealed behind an enormous tabernacle. We may note in passing that another English saint is commemorated in S. Silvestro. Borenius, T., St. Thomas Becket in Art (1932), p. 103Google Scholar. St. Oswald and St. Thomas, as we shall see below, were both venerated at Rovereto.
page 169 note 4 e.g. cf. the Catalogues of 1867, 1874, 1891, and 1896. The firstedition I have seen to give the correct attribution is that of 1902. The article on Oswald, St. in the Enciclopedia Universal, xl (Barcelona, c. 1920), p. 995Google Scholar, is illustrated with this picture.
page 170 note 1 Ludwig, G., ‘Bonifazio di Pitati da Verona, ein archivalische Untersuchung’, III, in Jahrbuch des königlich preussischen Kunstsammlungen, xxiii (1902), pp. 36 ffGoogle Scholar.
page 170 note 2 Op. cit., p. 279 (‘nel nicchio dell' angolo S.S. Marco ed Osvaldo’). It is found in the first edition ofBoschini's, book published in 1664 as Le minere della pittura, p. 270Google Scholar. On the other hand, it may be noted that only one of the eighteenth-century parish priests in Venice had Oswald for his Christian name…Oswaldus Zen, rector of S. Moisè in 1776. Gallicciolli, G. B., Delle memorie Venete antiche, viii (Venice, 1795), p. 335Google Scholar.
page 170 note 3 St. Oswald is said to be a co-patron of the church, Inventario degli oggetti d'arte d'ltalia, VII. Provincia di Padova, Comune di Padova(n.p., 1936), pp.139 ffGoogle Scholar. There i s a record that Dr. Cogollo, a parish priest, whose tomb dated 1745 is in front of the altar,purchased the picture about 1742.
page 170 note 4 Molmenti, P. in G. B. Tiepolo (Milan, 1909), pp. 109 f.Google Scholar, says that the painting was in bad condition. In the French translation (Paris, 1911), p. 93, the words ‘ses couleurs sont presque effacees’ are added. Cf.Sack, E., Giambattista und Domenico Tiepolo (Hamburg, 1910), p. 176:Google Scholar ‘Das Bild ist stark nachgedunkelt.’
page 170 note 5 Sack, , op. cit., pp. 78fGoogle Scholar. and fig. 62a. The whereabouts of this picture cannot now be traced.
page 170 note 6 Rossetti, G., Descrissione delle pitture, sculture ed architetture di Padova (Padua, 1780), pp. 242 f.Google Scholar(‘S.Massimo in atto di orare sopra il Re S. Osvaldo’); Brandolese, P.,Pitture, Sculture, Architetture ed altre cose notabili di Padova (Padua, 1795), pp. 232 f.Google Scholar; Moschini, G., Guida per la citta di Padova (Venice, 1817), p. 149.Google ScholarMolmenti, , op. cit., p. 108Google Scholar, makes the odd suggestion that the bishop is the Scottish St. Marnan, who is said to have been the teacher of St. Oswald. Cf. Chambers, D., De Scotorum fortitudine, doctrina et pietate (Paris, 1631), p. 109Google Scholar. Alternatively, St. Augustine of Canterbury ‘apostolo di Bretagna, onde poi per mezzo benedettini agostiniani si sparse fra noi il culto di S. Osvaldo’. We shall find that this hypothesis hasno foundation.
page 170 note 7 National Gallery No. 1192. Sack, , op. cit., p. 224, fig. 216Google Scholar. Described in the 1929 Catalogue as ‘Henry IV of Germany at Canossa’, and in that of 1889 as ‘A bishop, perhaps St. Ambrose’. It now bears the correct title, though St. Oswald is qualified by a question-mark.
page 170 note 8 Morassi, A., La Galleria dell' Accademia Carrara in Bergamo (Rome, 1934), pp. 23 f.Google Scholar; Frizzoni, G., La Galleria dell' Accademia Carrara in Bergamo (Bergamo, 1907), pl. 106Google Scholar; Sack, , op. cit., p. 166, fig. 155Google Scholar. The theory of Caversazzi, C. in Emporium, ix (1899), p. 209Google Scholar, seeking to identify the sketch at Bergamo with St. Proculus visiting St. Fermo and St. Rusticus is, of course, inadmissible.
page 171 note 1 Coletti, L., Catalogo delle cose d'arte edi antichita d'ltalia. Treviso (Rome, 1935),pp. 298 ff., fig. 285Google Scholar.
page 171 note 2 Ibid., p. 300. When I was in Treviso this picture had Coltura, Treviso. been removed for repair, and was scarcely distinguishable in a very bad light on the staircase of the priest'xs house, There is reason to believe that pictures and statues of St. Oswald exist in some of the churches in the province of Treviso. in a very bad light on the staircase of the priest's house, There is reason to believe that pictures.
page 171 note 3 Rigamonti, A., Descrizione delle pitture più celebri che si vedero esposte nelle chiese ed altri Luoghi pub blichi di Trevigi (Treviso, 1776), p. 26Google Scholar. The 'altar di sant’ Osgualdo' is mentioned.
page 171 note 4 Santalena, A., Guida di Treviso (Treviso, 1894), p. 177Google Scholar. There designated ‘Paltare di S. Antonio’. We may note that St. Antony was also invoked against the Kleinschmidt, B., Antonius von Padua in Leben und Kunst, Kult und Volkstum (Diisseldorf, 1931), pp. 366 ffGoogle Scholar.
page 171 note 5 This is not recorded by Coletti. I owe the photo-graph to the generosity of the Director of the Istituti di Coltura, Treviso.
page 171 note 6 Sack, , op. cit., p. 305Google Scholar; Crico, L., Lettere suite belle arti trevigiane (Treviso, 1837), p. 126Google Scholar; Pallucchini, R., Cinque Secoli di Pitture Venete (Venice, 1945), pp. 142f., fig. 66Google Scholar.
page 171 note 7 Sack, , op. cit., pp. 74, 80, 99Google Scholar. The frescoes are extolled in a poem written probably about 1750. Bettinelli, S., Opere, xvii (Venice, 1800), p. 231.Google ScholarMolmenti, , op. cit., p. 118Google Scholar, suggests that these paintings were commissioned to celebrate the marriage of Andrea Cornaro in 1751. Evidently the family were patrons of both artists.
page 171 note 8 Pace, S., Vita di S. Osvaldo re di Nortumbria,dedicata al merito dell' illustrissima suor Regina Ghesina abbadessa, suor Verginia Cividale Vicaria e di tutte l'altre Monache del Monasterio d'Araceli di Vicenza (Bassano, 1712), pp. 49ffGoogle Scholar.
page 173 note 1 A panegyric published at Vicenza in 1857 suggests that St. Oswald may have been remembered here in the middle of the nineteenth century. Schiavo, A., Di S. Osvaldo M. re della Nortumbria et Bretwalda degli Angli. Orazione Panegirica dedicata al nobilissimo e reverendissimo monsignore Bartolommeo Conte Miari novello canonico S. della Cattedrale di Belluno (Vicenza, 1857), p. 8Google Scholar. His feast was kept with some solemnity at Belluno. We shall con- p. sider Bassano at a later stage.
page 173 note 2 The church is now immured in a modern building, and serves as the chapel of a sisterhood. Until 1798 this church belonged to the Austin friars.
page 173 note 3 Malvasia, C., Le pitture di Bologna (Bologna, 1732), p. 80Google Scholar. In the first edition of this book (1706), p. 83, there is no reference to the picture. Our saint is described as ‘Re, S. Usualdo’, a spelling which has been retained ever since1. Cf. Le chiese di Bologna illustrate (Bologna, 1927), p. 100Google Scholar. I am grateful for the good offices of Professor Luigi Montanari in arranging for the photograph to bebe taken and in making vain endeavours to throw any at light upon the origin of the picture. Trie measurements of the painting are 3·20 x 1·84 metres. There is no other evidence in Bolognaof any interest in St. Oswald.
page 173 note 4 McN, G.. Rushforth, Medieval Christian Imagery (1936), p. 263Google Scholar.
page 173 note 5 Further evidence of the cult near Udine may be found in Marzuttini, G. D., Sermone alpopolo in onore di S. Osvaldo re e martire recitato il di 5 agosto nella chiesetta campestre nob. famiglia Caimo-Dragone (Udine, 1827), p. 14Google Scholar. The chapel dedicated to St. Oswald, in which this sermon was preached, cannot be identified. The preacher admits that St. Oswald was suffering neglect, and the sermon was designed to resuscitate fervour. He makes the curious remark that the custom of saying mass in St. Oswald's honour on this day is ‘a noi pervenuto dall’ isola di Wigth [sic] unita all' Inghilterra preservata ad inter-cessione del nostro Santo da una subita pestilenza'. This confirms what we have found elsewhere, that St. Oswald was invoked in time of pestilence.
page 173 note 6 Stua, , infra, p. 77Google Scholar; Marzuttini, , op. cit., p. 14Google Scholar. It may be noted also that the church of Valentino, S. at Udine was at one time resorted to in time of pestilence. San Valentino. Frammenti Storici (Udine, 1923), pp. 18 ffGoogle Scholar.
page 173 note 7 Appendix I.
page 174 note 1 Soardo, P. C., Vita di S. Osvaldo Re di Northumbria, specchio e esempio de' Principi e Soldati Christiani: corrota del Venerabile Beda e di altri approvati Autori (Udine, 1667)Google Scholar. This book, together with the woodcut frontispiece, is largely reproduced in the work by Pace already mentioned. A second edition was published at Udine and Bassano in 1689.
page 174 note 2 His brother died fighting the Turks in 1657. P. Litta, Celebri Famiglie Italiane, iii (Milan, n.d.), s.v. ‘Foscari’.
page 174 note 3 Probably some edition of the Aurea, Legenda, such as Dat duytsche passional (Cologne, 1485), p. ccxxii and woodcut (fig. 4)Google Scholar.
page 175 note 1 Archaeologia, xciii (1949), P- 119, pi. xxvi.
page 175 note 2 Op. cit., p. 89.
page 175 note 3 Fontanini, G., Di Santa Colomba Vergine sacra della città d'Aquileja (Rome, 1726), p. 48Google Scholar.
page 175 note 5 The relic of one ‘Osqualdi’. We cannot rule out the possibility that our St. Oswald is intended, as relics may have been circulating in south Germany at this early date, Hariulf, , Chronique de I'abbaye de Saint-Riquier (ed. Lot, F.) (Paris, 1894), p. 66Google Scholar. This theory is repeated by Grassi, N. in Notizie storiche della provincia della Carnia (Udine, 1782), p. 170Google Scholar, who also testifies to the numerous pilgrims and the miracles wrought by the prayers of the saint.
page 175 note 5 Stua, G. P. della, Vita di S. Osvaldo Re di Northumber~ land e Martire colla storia del suo culto (Udine, 1769), p. 60Google Scholar. Stua, an ecclesiastic of Udine, was the author of several books on local saints. Manzano, F. di, Annali del Friuli, vi (Udine, 1868), p. 478Google Scholar. He is too sophisticated to accept the German legend (propounded quite correctly by Soardo) as the source of the raven and the ring. (‘Gli scrittori di secoli bassi volendo spiegarne il significatohanno spacciato vane fanfalucche’, op. cit., p. 29). He prefers a subtlety of his own, whereby the raven is really a dove, with allusion to St. Oswald's vision of St. Columba, and the ring a hieroglyph.
page 176 note 1 Galanti, A., I tedeschi sul versatile meridionale dell' Alpi (Rome, 1885), pp. 10 fGoogle Scholar. There is a large and contro- versial literature on these isolated blocks of German inhabitants south of the Alps.
page 176 note 2 Thesaurus Ecclesiae Aquilejensis (Udine, 1817), p.35Google Scholar
page 176 note 3 Lorenzoni, G., ‘La toponomastica di Sauris oasi tedesco in Friuli’, in Ce Fastu? (Bolletino della Società filologica friulana), xiii (Udine, 1937), pp. 95ffGoogle Scholar.
page 176 note 1 It may be noted that the church at Sauris di sopra s i dedicated to St. Laurence. Besides the church of St. Laurence at Kartitsch, to which we refer below, there are also those at St. Lorenzen im Lesachtal, and St. Lorenzen im Gitschtal. Ginhart, K. (ed.), Die Kunstdenkmäler Kärntens, ii (Klagenfurt, 1930), pp. 203, 244Google Scholar.
page 176 note 1 I am told that a picture of St. Oswald (with a double cup in his hand) appearing to a seventeenth-century parish priest of Sauris is now at Luggau. It is illustrated in Sauris nelle Nozze d'Oro di D. Antonio Trojero rievoca suastoria ed i suoisacerdoti(Udine, 1932), p. 18Google Scholar. An older writer speaks of an annual pilgrimage from Sauris to Heiligenblut in Carinthia, with the suggestion that the original inhabitants may have come from that region, Lucchini, L., Saggio di dialettologica Sauriana (Udine, 1882), p. 13Google Scholar.
page 176 note 6 Bellunello settled and worked at Friuli, S. Vito in. Crowe, J. A. and Cavalcaselle, G. B., A History of Painting in North Italy, iii (ed. Borenius, , 1912), pp. 66f.Google Scholar; Marini, R., La Scuola di Tolmezzo (Padua, 1942), p. 18Google Scholar.
page 176 note 7 His name can be faintly traced above the halo. But who is the companion figure of the bishop with the axe ? Previous suggestions of Dunstan, St. (Opere d'arte in Friuli (Udine, 1894), p. 29), andGoogle Scholar St. Wilfrid ( Marinelli, G., Guida della Carnia e del Canal del Ferro (Tolmezzo, 1924-5), p. 686)Google Scholar are obviously no more than bad guesses. He is possibly intended for St. Erhard of Regensburg, who is not uncommonly met in these Alpine regions with an axe, but unfortunately this suggestion does not account for the letters inscribed behind him—s. B [or D]… U L F. TO toy with a possible allusion to St. Erhard's brother, St. Hildulf of Trier, would lead to further unprofitable guessing. Incidentally, why does St. Erhard carry an axe ? The books of reference are silent. The attribute has been associated with his zeal in building churches, and he is said to be a patron of carpenters. My only authority for this is Mang, H., Unsere Kirchenpatrone (Brixen, 1942), p. 15Google Scholar.
page 176 note 8 Marini, R., op. cit., p. 62Google Scholar. Unfortunately I did not notice this figure when I was at Forni.
page 178 note 1 The next village to Pieve, Titian's birthplace. An important road from Venice to the Brenner ran through the Cadore and the Pusterthal (where lay the monastery of S. Candido). Stolz, O., Die Ausbreitung des Deutschtums in Sildtirol im Lichte der Urkunden, iv (Munich and Berlin, 1934), pp. 205 fGoogle Scholar. The interest in St. Oswald at Tai may therefore have arrived quite independently of Sauris. Accordingto ,op. cit., p. 61Google Scholar, the people of Tai at one time claimed to possess a relic of St. Oswald, I was told in the Biblioteca Civica, Belluno, that the history of the parish has never been written.
page 178 note 2 Crowe, J. A. and Cavalcaselle, G. B., The Life and Times of Titian, ii (1881), p. 493Google Scholar; Robertson, A., Throughthe Dolomites (1903), p. 84Google Scholar. No photograph is available of this picture, and the bibliography in Thieme-Becker, s.v. ‘Vecellio’, gives no account of it.
page 178 note 3 Marchetti, G., ‘Intagli tedeschi in Carnia’, in Ce Fastu? xx(1942), pp. 12 ff., figs. 1-3Google Scholar.
page 178 note 4 Hempel, E., Michael Pacher (Vienna, 1931), p. 84Google Scholar.
page 178 note 5 The long period of peace and security enjoyed by Friuli under the Venetian imperium, extending from the war of the League of Cambrai (with the brief interval of the war of Gradisca in 1616) down to the fall of the Republic, must have favoured the extension of the cult southwards.
page 179 note 1 Lucchini, L., Memorie del Santuario di S. Osvaldo in Sauris Arcidiocesi di Udine (Udine, 1880), p. 9Google Scholar. It is surprising that the church was not rebuilt on a more ambitious scale when the pilgrimage becamefashionable farther afield. St. Oswald is thought to have first become popular as a protector against plague and contagious epidemics as early as 1348. Ibid., p. 23. This is repeated in E.Fabbrovitch, Un santo inglese venerato in Carnia (Udine1, 1932), p. 10Google Scholar, a compilation of little value.
page 179 note 2 Marinelli, G. in Lombroso, C., Pensiero e Meteore (Milan, 1878), p. 221Google Scholar. I am told that the episcopal visitations were made in a litter. In Carlo Camuccio's letter to Benedict XIV he speaks of Sauris as ‘uno de’ principali Santuari dello Stato Veneto', and says that ‘devoti, che ogni anno in gran numero anche piii di cento miglia lontani da Venezia, Padova, Vicenza, Treviso e da molte altre parti vengono a visitarlo e prosciogliere i loro voti, benche per arrivarsi debbono necessariamente passare per più miglia di strada di qualche cavalcatura, non già di alcuna sorta di calessi’. In the Museo Civico at Udine there are specimens of medals formerly presented to the pilgrims at Sauris, casts of which have been generously given me by the Director (pi. xxxv, b). Cf.V.Ostermann, ‘Numismatica friulana. Le Medaglie’ in Atti della Accademia di Udine, 2nd ser., v (Udine, 1881), p. 129Google Scholar; Kuncze, F., Systematik des Weihemünzen (Raab, 1886), p. 529Google Scholar.
page 179 note 3 The dam, 450 feet high, of the hydro-electric power station opened in this valley in 1948, is far below the level of the road.
page 179 note 4 I owe the photograph to the kindness of the Rev. A. A. H. Radice, who made a point of visiting Sauris on the festa. The enthusiasm of Sauris for St. Oswald isshared with Guiseley in Yorkshire, where the festa is also celebrated with a procession and a panegyric. Here, however, it is a modern revival.
page 179 note 5 The only other trace of interest in St. Oswald I have found in Italy is an account of his miracles in a collection of excerpts from the Fathers and other early writers (including Bede) in the Biblioteca Casanatese, Rome, The original home of this early tenth-century manuscript is thought to have been Benevento. Lowe, E. A., Scriptura Beneventana (Oxford, 1929), p. xxxviiiGoogle Scholar. It is possible that the text may have come direct to southern Italy from Normandy, as it has been shown that the monastery of S. Wandrille was a connecting link of this kind. Levison, W. in Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie, xx(1936),pp. 382 ffGoogle Scholar. Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica was well known the writers of this monastery. Rosenkranz, A., Beiträge zur Kenntnis der Gesta abbatum Fontanellensium (Bonn, 1911), pp. 74ff.Google Scholar; Revue Bénédictine, xlvi (1934), pp. 241ffGoogle Scholar.
page 180 note 1 A short and convenient account may be found inWopfner, H., Deutsche Siedlungsarbeit südlich des Brenners, but the whole subject has been elaborately treated in O. Stolz, Die Ausbreitung des Deutschtums in Südtirol im Lichte der Urkunden, i-iv (Berlin and Munich, 1927–1934)Google Scholar.
page 180 note 2 Singularly appropriate would be William of Malmesbury's description of the Vale of Gloucester, quoted in Knowles, Dom D., The Monastic Order in England (1940), p. 181Google Scholar.
page 181 note 1 Garber, J., Die romanischen Wandgemälde Tirols (Vienna, 1928), pp. 17ffGoogle Scholar.
page 181 note 2 Atz, K. and Schatz, P. A., Der deutsche Anteil des Bisthums Trient [Atz-Schatz], v (Bozen, 1910),pp. 189f.Google Scholar; Stefani, A., Documenti e Memorie intorno alia Chiesa Arcipretale di S. Marco in Rovereto (Rovereto, 1900), p. 3Google Scholar; D. Zignolli, ‘Memorie Roveretane’ (manuscript in the Biblioteca Civica, Rovereto, before 1876), fo. 142 ff. Unfortunately the Candelpergher papers were destroyed in the First World War. I am grateful for the help and friendship extended to me in Rovereto by Commendatore D. Antonio Rossaro.
page 181 note 3 Rossaro, D. A., Iconografia della Chiesa Roveretana (Rovereto, 1934), pp. 58 f.Google Scholar; Weber, S., Artisti Trentini che operarono nel Trentino (Trent, 1933), pp. 294 ffGoogle Scholar. We may notice incidentally that the picture of the martyrdom of St. Thomas of Canterbury by F. Boscaratti, formerly in his church at Rovereto, is not lost, as stated in Borenius, op. cit., p. 103. It can still be seen in the church at Lizzana, but in a sadly damaged condition, as a result of careless handling when moved to a place of safety during the Second World War. Rossaro, op. cit.,p. 45.
page 182 note 1 Gerola, B., ‘Gli stanziamenti tedeschi sull’ altopiano di Piné nel Trentino orientale', in Archivio Veneto, 5th set, xi (Venice, 1932), pp. 1 ff.Google Scholar; xii (1932), pp. 129 ff. Cf.Stolz, , op. cit., i, 87Google Scholar.
page 182 note 2 According to an inscription in the church. 1560 is given as the date of the building in Brentari, O., Guida del Trentino, i (Bassano, 1890), pp. 263 fGoogle Scholar. German is said to have been spoken there in the last century. Forschungen zur deutschen Landes- und Volkskunde, i (Stuttgart, 1886),p. 434Google Scholar.
page 182 note 3 Archivio Trentino, xviii (Trent, 1903), p. 88Google Scholar.
page 182 note 4 Prati, A., I Valsuganotti (Turin, 1923), pp. 79 ffGoogle Scholar.
page 182 note 5 Montebello, G. A., Notizie storiche topografiche religiose delta Valsugana (Rovereto, 1793), p. 304Google Scholar. It has been suggested that when the mines were exhausted the workers transferred their attention to the soil. Battisti, C., Studi di storia linguistica e nazionale del Trentino (Florence, 1922), p. 171Google Scholar.
page 183 note 1 Alberti, F. F. degli, Annali del principato ecclesiastico di Trento (Trent, 1860), p. 319Google Scholar. The church and its fittings have been described in II Nuovo Trentino for 8th April 1923. St. Mary Magdalen was the original parish of the German colony in Trent. Atz-Schatz, v, p. 176. The name Oswald is found in the neighbouring village of Cimone as early as the fourteenth century. Schneller, C., Tirolische Namenforschungen (Innsbruck, 1890), p. 249Google Scholar.
page 183 note 2 Weber, , op. cit., p. 223Google Scholar. The valuable silver cross could not be found the day I visited Garniga. In fairness let me add that the memory of St. Oswald is being perpetuated by a fresco on the chancel arch of the new church.
page 183 note 2 Alberti, , op. cit., p. 118Google Scholar. German names occur in a document of 1279. Schneller, , op. cit., p. 79Google Scholar. German was still spoken in Garniga about 1600. Wolkenstein, M. S. von, Landesbeschreibung von Siidtirol (Innsbruck, 1936), p. 103Google Scholar.
page 183 note 4 Stolz, O., Erlāuterungen zum historischen Atlas des ōsterreichischen Alpenländer. Part III. Tirol und Vorarlberg (Vienna, 1910), pp. 199ffGoogle Scholar. Cf. Perini, A., I Castelli del Trento (Milan, 1835), pp. 17ffGoogle Scholar.
page 183 note 5 Verci, G. B., Notizie intorno alia vita e alle opere de' Pittori, Scultori e Intagliatori della città di Bassano (Venice, 1785), p. 267Google Scholar.
page 183 note 6 Epistolae P.P. Paschasii Broëti, Claudii Jaji, Joannis Coduriiet Simonis Roderici. Monumenta Historica Societatis Jesus, x, Fasc. 116 (Madrid, 1903), pp. 488fGoogle Scholar. The companion figure to St. Oswald on the facade appears to represent St. Ignatius.
page 183 note 7 Di Bassano e dei Bassafiesiillustri(Bassano, 1847), p. 78Google Scholar.
page 183 note 8 I am indebted to the late Professor P. M. Tua, the leading authority on the antiquities of Bassano, for confirming me in this negative conclusion. His son, Dr. Massimo Tua, has been kind enough to make further fruitless research, and he assures me that there is nothing relevant to our subject in Michieli, P., Cenni storici della chiesa di S. Vito di Bassano e di Fra' Antonio Eremita (Bassano, 1893)Google Scholar.
page 183 note 9 Enciclopedia Italiana, s.v. ‘Tredici Comuni’.
page 183 note 10 Op. cit., p. 212.
page 184 note 1 Professor Tua told me that the history of Cartigliano remains entirely unexplored. The raven's ring (faithfully represented on the statue) is explained here as a gift from St. Oswald to the poor. The relic is vouched for by a diploma of authenticity dated ‘Rome 16 January 1736’. Is this relic a fragment of the thumb at Sauris, and was it brought from there by the Nobile Cavaliere Simeon Fabrizio de Negri, at whose instance the diploma was granted ?
page 184 note 2 Atz-Schatz, iii (1905), p. 260; Weingartner, J., Die Kunstdenkädler Südtirols [K.S.], ii(Vienna, 1923), p. 323Google Scholar; Santifaller, L., Regesten des Kirchenarchives Kastelrut 1295-1570 (Innsbruck, 1923), passimGoogle Scholar. As elsewhere, the name Oswald comes into more frequent use at the end of the middle ages.
page 184 note 3 Weber, , op. cit., p. 296Google Scholar. Franz Unterbergher (1706-96) worked for forty years in Brixen and its surroundings, This picture is not mentioned by Weber, though it is listed by Thieme-Becker, s.v. ‘Unterbergher’.
page 184 note 4 Wolkenstein-Rodenegg, A. von, swald von Wolken-stow (Innsbruck, 1930), p. 16Google Scholar. There are said to have been paintings and an inscription on the wall of the nave at St. Oswald (Kastelruth) in memory of his escape from shipwreck. Atz-Schatz, iii, 261.
page 185 note 1 Jahrbuch des Kunsthistorischen Institutes der K.K. Zentralkommission fur Denkmalpflege, xiv (Vienna, 1922), pp. 127 ff., 156Google Scholar.
page 185 note 2 Walchegger, J. E., Der Kreuzgang am Dotn zu Brixen (Brixen, 1895), p. 73Google Scholar. This painting has been attributed a Master John of Bruneck. Weingartner, J., Gotische Malerei in Südtirol (Vienna, 1948), pp. 34ffGoogle Scholar. The figure of a king in a votive picture of Hilpbrand von Passeir (c. 1410) in the monastery of Neustift, near Brixen, has been identified with St. Oswald. K.S. ii, 42. The attri- bution, however, is doubtful, and St. Sigismund may be preferred. Rasmo, N., Arte medioevale nell' Alto Adige (Bozen, 1949), p. 21, pl. 32Google Scholar.
page 185 note 3 Tinkhauser, G., Topographisch-historisch-statistische Beschreibungder DiözeseBrixen,i (Brixen, 1855),pp. 646 f.; K.S., i (1923), pp. 176 f.Google Scholar; Schmid, G., Urkunden und Akten Regesten aus dem Dekanats-Archive Stilfes vom Jahre 1300 bis zumjahre 1810 (Innsbruck, 1912), p. 29Google Scholar. A painting on the ceiling of St. Oswald giving bread to the poor and an altar-piece, now obscured by a prominent statue of Christ, are the work of Renzler, a local artist. There is an altar of St. Oswald at Obervintl. Ibid., p. 35. An eighteenth-century shrine at Mauls commemorates delivery from plague in 1735 through the prayers of St. Sebastian and St. Roch. Evidently St. Oswald was not venerated as a plague saint in these parts.
page 185 note 4 Atz-Schatz, i, 84; K.S. Hi, 2 (1926), pp. 130 f. It was rededicated in 1323 and 1405.
page 186 note 1 Ibid., p. 136; Atz-Schatz, i, ioif.; Morassi, A., Storia della Pittura nella Venezia Tridentina (Rome, 1934), pp. 199, 217, fig. 115Google Scholar; Atz, K., Kunstgeschichte von Tirol und Vorarlberg (Innsbruck, 1909), pp. 709 f.Google Scholar; Zeitschrift des Ferdinandeums, xlviii (Innsbruck, 1904), pp. 210 ffGoogle Scholar. It is remarkable that the Oswald, St. scene was still un- recognized as late as 1893 by a writer in Der Kunstfreund, ix (Bozen, 1893), p. 35Google Scholar. The correct identity was published the following year. Ibid., x (1894), p. 38. I am told that the queen's head-dress is seldom found later than 1400, but 1420 is suggested for this painting in Weingartner, J., Gotische Wandmalerei in Südtirol, p. 27Google Scholar.
page 186 note 2 He is thought to have been Hans von Weineck, who died in 1421. Zeitschrift des Ferdinandeums, xlviii, 215.
page 186 note 3 Archaeologia, xciii (1949), p. 116. This is the onlyexample in art known to me of this episode in the German Oswald legend. It should be noted that the beggar in the story of St. Martin was also thought to have been impersonated by Christ. Other examples of this theme are cited by Rosenfeld, H. F. in Ada Academiae Aboensis, Humaniora, x, 3 (Åbo, 1937), pp. 431 fGoogle Scholar.
page 186 note 4 Riehl, B., Die Kunst an der Brennerstrasse (Leipzig, 1908), pp. 202 ff., fig. 78Google Scholar, and private information,
page 186 note 5 Atz-Schatz, , i, 212; K.S. iii, 2, pp. 219 f.Google Scholar; Weber, B., Die Stadt Bozen undihre Umgebung (Bozen, 1849), P268Google Scholar.
page 186 note 6 Atz, , op. cit., p. 736, fig. 725; K.S. iv (1930), p. 103Google Scholar; Weingartner, , Gotische Wandmalerei in Südtirol, p. 46, f. 113Google Scholar.
page 186 note 7 K.S. iv, 152.
page 186 note 8 Ibid., pp. 210 f., fig. 94.
page 187 note 1 Ibid., p. 367; Jahrbuch des Kunsthistorischen Institutes der K.K. Zentralkommission fur Denkmalpflege, x (Vienna, 1916), pp. 47 ff., fig. 22; Morassi, op. cit., p. 191.
page 187 note 2 Tirolische Geschichtsquellen, iii (Innsbruck, 1891), pp. 240 fGoogle Scholar. The Frauenmiinster was closely connected with the families both of the Engadine and the Vintschgau. Ibid., p. 146. The endowment for the chapel lay in the parish of Mais. It may be identified with the chapel of St. Oswald in Sielva, which is mentioned in 1360. Poeschel, E., Die Kunstdenkmaler des Kantons Graubiinden, v (Basle, 1943), p. 385Google Scholar.
page 187 note 3 K.S. iv, 392.
page 187 note 4 Ibid., p. 239; Atz-Schatz, iv (1907), p. 388. These writers repeat, unsupported by any evidence, that an Oswald dedication warrants a church of very early foundation. Perhaps' they assume that St. Oswald was introduced by the missionaries of the eighth century and later.
page 187 note 5 K.S. iv, 78; Atz-Schatz, iv, 44; Staffler, J., Das deutsche Tirol und Vorarlberg, iii (Innsbruck, 1847), p. 756Google Scholar.
page 188 note 1 Stolz, O., Die Auslreitung des Deutschtums in Südtirol, iii, 121Google Scholar.
page 188 note 2 Archaeologia, xciii (1949), p. 106Google Scholar.
page 188 note 3 Stplz, , op. cit., p. 25Google Scholar.
page 188 note 4 Wopfner, H., Beitrāge zur Geschichte der freien bäuerlichen Erbleihe Deutschtirols im Mittelalter (Breslau, 1903), p. 68Google Scholar.
page 188 note 5 Stolz, O. in Vierteljahrschrift fur Social- und Wirt- schaftsgeschichte, viii (Berlin, 1910), pp. 203 fGoogle Scholar.
page 188 note 6 Krüger, E., Der Ursprung des Welfenhauses und seine Verzweigung in Suddeutschland (Wolfenbiittel, 1899), pp. 147f.Google Scholar; M.G. Necrologia Germaniae, i, 223Google Scholar. The Necrology is dated c. 1200, and Henry is commemorated on 8th February, but the statement that thefatality occurred at Lana is a fifteenth-century addition. However, we find it repeated in the Historia Welforum, which in this part isas early as c. 1170. M.G. SS. xxi, 460. The story is first related in Ekkehard, Casus S. Galli, M.G. SS. ii, 87 f. We are told in another document that Welf IV and his wife, Judith of Flanders, donated to Weingarten in 1094 ‘aliud mansum apud Mais et allodium quidem Bertolfus ei appropriavit in Venusta Valle et in Langobardia’. Wirtembergisches Urkundenbuch[W.U.],i(Stuttgart, 1849), p. 301; Tiroler Urkundenbuch [T.U.],i (Innsbruck, 1937), no. 117. In the Necrology (p. 231) this Bertold is said to haye given a ‘predium in Leunon [Lana]’, which was confirmed by Welf. The deed of endowment by Bertold is a forgery. W.U. iv (1883), Appendix, p. xlviii; T.U., no. 101.
page 188 note 7 Stolz, O., Politisch-historische Landesbeschreibung von Siidtirol, i (Innsbruck, 1937), p. 163Google Scholar.
page 189 note 1 W.U. iv, App., p. Hi. No doubt a diploma of indulgence granted by the bishop of Trent in 1270 to Weingarten,‘feudatorio della Chiesa di Trento’, was con- nected with this dedication. Alberti, , op. cit., p. 150Google Scholar. Indulgences were also granted by the bishops of Chur, Constance, and Regensburg. W.U. vii (1900), pp. 65,117, 119, and again in 1276 by the bishop of Constance for the feasts of the four patron saints. Ibid., p. 463.
page 189 note 2 The ruins of this chapel are now transformed into a house. K.S. iv, 64.
page 189 note 3 W.U. viii (1903), p. 124. Elsewhere in the Wein- garten records we read of chapels of St. Laurence and of St. George at Lana, which to this day is still a long, straggling village, provided with numerous chapels. K.S. iv, 55 ff.
page 189 note 4 It may be convenient to summarize the remaining evidence for the Welf and Weingarten properties in this part of the Tyrol. Earlier than 1078 the Welfs are recorded to have held lands in the Passeirtal. Monumenta Boica, xxix, 201. In 1126 Henry the Black exchanged with Weingarten a ‘predium in Naturno’, and in the same place a few years earlier Welf V had presented a property to the monastery of Raitenbuch, together with others at Schlanders and Marling. W.U., iv, App., p. xi; T.U., nos. 124–5. Weingarten owned land at Kortsch and Laas. W.U., iv, App., p. xxiv. Also at Latsch. Tirolische Geschichtsquellen, iii, 279. Welf III had given land at Tschars to the monastery of Steingaden. M.G. SS., xxi, 471. The same house must have derived its estate at Lana from the Welfs, Monumenta Boica, vi, 507 (a record of 1207). Weingarten had received property from a retainer of Welf IV and V at Schleiss, close to Mais, where we have already noticed a gift of Welf IV. W.U. iv, App., p. x. In the neighbouring parish of Burgeis Welf VI presented the church of S. Zeno to Ulrich VI of Tarasp, probably in 1148. Forschungen und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte Tirols und Vorarlbergs, vi (Innsbruck, 1909), pp. 35, 48Google Scholar. The Weingarten possessions in the Ultenta, and at Tisens were almost certainly the gift of the Welfsl though on this point we are not directly informed. W.U., iv, App., pp. xix, xxiii.
page 189 note 5 Archaeologia, xciii (1949), pp. 106fGoogle Scholar.
page 189 note 6 Goswin, P., Chronik des Stifles Marienberg (ed. Schwitzer, B., Innsbruck, 1880), p. 77Google Scholar.
page 189 note 7 Zingerle, I. V., Die Oswaldlegende und ihre Beziehungzur deutschen Mythologie (Stuttgart and Munich, 1886), p. 70Google Scholar.
page 190 note 1 Santifalle, L.., ‘Calendarium Wintheri’, in Archivio per VAlto Adige, xviii—1923 (Gleno, 1926), pp. 362, 385Google Scholar.
page 190 note 2 Riehl, , op. cit., p. 120Google Scholar. This and other differences between the contemporary liturgies of Brixen and Neustift, separated by only a mile or so of physical distance, may be explained by the fact that Neustift was originally subject t o the metropolitan of Salzburg, and even after it had been handed over to the bishops of Brixen in 1227 continued to follow the Salzburg breviary as late as the fifteenth century.
page 190 note 3 It is not unlikely that the tradition at Salzburg is derived from the eighth-century English missionaries. Archaeologia, , xciii (1949), p. 115Google Scholar.
page 190 note 4 A large number of Oswald dedications both in Germany and Austria are listed in Pölzl, J., Der heilige Kb'nig und Martyrer Oswald, Stadtpatron von Traunstein, in der Geschichte, Saga und Verehrung (Traunstein, 1899)Google Scholar, a work which in other respects does not help us.
Between Sillian, on the Drau at the east end of the Pusterthal, and Kartitsch, a few miles up the valley of the Gail, lies the hamlet of St. Oswald with a church dedicated by a suffragan bishop of Brixen in 1360. There is nothing to show whether the foundations are older than the fourteenth century, but, as the inhabitants of Sauris are thought to have migrated from this valley, a connexion is possible. Tinkhauser, , op. cit., p. 540Google Scholar. St. Oswald is found in twelfth-century calendars of the abbey of Moggio (together with other English saints such as Alban and Boniface). Altan, F., De Calendariis in genere et specialiter de calendariis ecclesiasticis (Venice, 1733), 143, 166, 90, 92Google Scholar; Foligno, C., Di alcuni codici liturgici di provenienza friulana nella Biblioteca Bodleiana di Oxford (Cividale del Friuli, 1914)Google Scholar. In one of these manuscripts there is a note (1403) from the hand of ‘ego presbiter Johanes plebanus in sauris’.) The abbey of Moggio owned large estates in Carinthia. Battistelli, A., L'abbazia di Moggio (Udine, 1903), pp.10 f., 135 ffGoogle Scholar. St. Oswald appears in another late twelfth-century calendar, which also came from Moggio, though its origin is uncertain. Ebner, A., Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte und Kunstgeschichte des Missale Romanum im Mittelalter. her Italicum (Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1896), p. 270Google Scholar For information on this manuscript I am indebted to Canon Giuseppe Vale of Udine. It may be added, in parenthesis, that this study is confined by the modern political boundary, which delimits a convenient geographical area. We have, therefore, taken no account of that part of the ancient diocese of Brixen which lay to the north of the Brenner, but I doubt whether the argument is materially affected by the omission.
page 191 note 1 Gerola, SB., ‘II Culto di S. Leonardo ed i suoi ex-voti neiXIII Comuni’,in II FolkloreItaliano, v (Catania,1930), pp. 99ffGoogle Scholar.
page 191 note 2 There are at least two other examples of monasteries north of the Alps bringing their own patron saints into their Tyrolese estates, but in neither case was there any diffusion of the cult. At Gagers, near Lana, a property belonging to the abbey of Füssen, there was a chapel of St. Magnus. This was a later foundation (c. 1700), probably on land formerly belonging to Weingarten, which sold its possessions to Füssen in 1694. Fink, H., Die Kirchen patrozinien Tirols (Passau, 1928), p. 223Google Scholar; Atz-Schatz, iv, 33, 165. At St. Paul's in Eppan there was a chapel of St. Norbert on the estate of the Premonstratensian abbey of Wilten. Fink, , op. cit., p. 227Google Scholar; Atz-Schatz, ii, 216; K.S. iii, 3 (1929), p. 234. [Curiously, Fink has neglected topay any attention to St. Oswald.]
page 191 note 3 First mentioned in 1447. Atz-Schatz, iv, 262; rebuilt on a new site in 1879. K.S. iii, 1 (1929), p. 88.
page 191 note 4 Zingerle, , op. cit., p. 72Google Scholar; Bernoulli, C. A., Die Heiligen der Merowinger (Tübingen, 1900), pp. 199 ff.Google Scholar; B. Pokorny, KirchenimBurggrafenamt(Meran, 1929) p. 49. An earlier procession is said to be made by the men of Hafling at the beginning of June, when the mountain is first free of snow. It may be noted that ancient mythology is evident in the cult of the Three Holy Women, still to be found in the Tyrol and elsewhere. Andrée-Eysn, M., Volkskundlich.es aus dem bayrisch-osterreichischen Alpengebiet (Brunswick, 1910), pp. 35 ff.Google Scholar; Hoffmann-Krayer, E., Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens, ii (Berlin and Leipzig, 1929)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, s.v. ‘Einbett’.
page 192 note 1 In compiling this list I have greatly benefited by the kind offices of the Director of the Biblioteca Comunale, Udine.
page 193 note 1 Hist, eccles. iii, 13.
page 193 note 2 [ Germain, M.], Histoire de l' abbaye royale de Notre Dame de Soissons (Paris, 1675), pp. 400 f.Google Scholar; Baillet, A.,Les vies des saints (Paris, 1715), s.v. August 5Google Scholar.
page 193 note 3 Wilmans, R., Die Kaiserurkunden der Provinz West falen 777-1313 (Miinster, 1867), pp. 488 ff.Google Scholar According t o a thirteenth-century manuscript, Waltger, the legendary founder of the abbey, brought relics of St. Oswald, together with his sword and helmet, from England to Herford, whence they were later removed to the village of Dorenberg.
page 193 note 2 Duine, F., Inventaire liturgique de Vhagiographie onne (Paris, 1922), p. 134Google Scholar: Couffon, R., Répertoire des églies et chapelles du diocèsede St.-Brieuc et Tréguier, (St.Brieuc, 1939), p. 214Google Scholar. M. Couffon tells me that he can throw no light on the age or the origin of the cult here. St. Oswald is mentioned with other English saints in the Dol Breviary of 1519. Duine, F., Bréviaires et missels des eglises et abbayes bretonnes (Rerlnes, 1906), p. 57Google Scholar.
page 193 note 5 Lampen, W., ‘De vereering van St. Oswald bizonder in de Nederlanden’ in Ons geestelijk Erf, i (Antwerp, 1927), pp. 142 ffGoogle Scholar.
page 193 note 6 Bayart, P., ‘es offices de S. Winnoc et de S. Oswald d'après le Ms. 14 de la Bibl. Bergues’ in Annales du Comité fiamand de France, xxxv (Lille, 1926), pp. 1 ffGoogle Scholar.
page 194 note 1 The abbé Poquet in the Bulletin de la société archéo logique, historique, et scientifique de Soissons, xii (Soissons, 1858), pp. 50 f., was inclined to believe that one of the coins with the bust of St. Oswald from Berg was a type monastique from Durham, Bardney, or Bergues St. Winnoc.
Dieren, where some of these coins were minted about 1580 ( Chijs, P. O. van der, De Munten der voormalige Heerenen Steden van Gelderland (Haarlem, 1853), p. 229)Google Scholar, has been confused with Düren in Baesecke, G., Der Wiener Oswald (Heidelberg, 1912), p. 2Google Scholar.
page 194 note 2 I have to thank P. Jean de la Croix, O.C.P., for making an unsuccessful search for this book in the libraries of Brussels. P. Grosjean has kindly supplied me with the earliest evidence of its existence, viz. Daniel, F., Speculum Cartnelitanum, ii (Antwerp, 1680), p. 1111Google Scholar.