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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 15 November 2011
Stow in his Survey of London describes St. Dunstan in the East as ‘a great parish of many rich merchants, and other occupiers of diverse trades namely salters and ironmongers’. Then turning to speak of Thames Street he writes: ‘in this street on the Thames side are divers large landing places called wharves and keys, for cranage up of wares and merchandise, as also for shipping of wares from thence to be transported. These wharves and keys commonly bear the names of their owners, and are therefore changeable.’ The frequent changes of name to which Stow thus alludes probably made it as difficult for him as it is for us to trace the history of any particular quay. Apart from a brief account of Wool Wharf, which in the reign of Richard II became the Custom House and has so continued to this day, Stow contented himself with recording a fifteenth-century reference to Passekes Wharf and Horner's Key, and with an incidental allusion to Porter's Key. But he did not attempt to give their history, though what there was to tell of the last of them must have fallen within his own memory.
page 137 note 1 Survey, i, 135–6.Google Scholar
page 137 note 2 See Hustings Roll, 105 (23), 140 (55), 179 (33).
page 137 note 3 See p. 146, below.
page 138 note 1 Hustings Roll, 99 (23) at the Guildhall; these rolls are subsequently cited as H. R.
page 138 note 2 Cal.Pat. Rolls, Edw. III, ii, 338.Google Scholar
page 138 note 3 Letter Book F, p. 112. There is a letter from Piers Pagenham, relating to the export of wool ap. Ancient Correspondence, xlii, 92.Google Scholar
page 138 note 4 Letter Book F, pp. 5, 8, 48.
page 138 note 5 Cal. Coroners Rolls, p. 245.
page 138 note 6 Letter Book G, p. 106.
page 138 note 7 Ancient Deeds, A. 1797.
page 138 note 8 Cal. Pat. Rolls, Ric. II, i, 413.Google Scholar
page 138 note 9 Id., ii, 253.
page 138 note 10 Anc. Deeds, A. 1797.
page 139 note 1 Id., A. 1779. See p. 155, below.
page 139 note 2 ii, 183–4.
page 139 note 3 Cal. Wills Husting, ii, 330Google Scholar, from H. R. 126 (72); it was proved in 1397.
page 139 note 4 Anc. Deeds, A. 1717.
page 139 note 5 Id, A. 1718.
page 139 note 6 Id., A. 1706.
page 139 note 7 Cal. Wills Husting, ii. 466.Google Scholar
page 139 note 8 Anc. Deeds, A. 1796, undated.
page 139 note 9 Letter Book H, pp. 43, 239, 269, 280.
page 139 note 10 Cal. Wills Husting, ii, 337Google Scholar, and H. R. 127 (46).
page 139 note 11 H. R. 127(76).
page 139 note 12 H. R. 131 (57).
page 140 note 1 H. R. 162 (57).
page 140 note 2 H. R. 172 (50).
page 140 note 3 ii, 192. See also Stow, , Survey, i, 109.Google Scholar
page 140 note 4 i. e. Danzig.
page 140 note 5 Cal. Pat. Rolls, Henry VI, iii, 232, 253, 345.
page 141 note 1 John Michel, John Gedney, William Estfeld, and Henry Frowyk are the only other instances in the reign of Henry VI.
page 141 note 2 Cal. Wills Husting, ii, 553Google Scholar, and H. R. 195 (48).
page 141 note 3 Letter Book L, p. 40. In March 1464 Bledlowe held a further sum of 383l. on a like trust; there was another daughter Katherine, who was then dead (id., p. 48). Rose Browne must have died not much later, for within the year Piers Pekham and his wife presented a petition to the bishop of Exeter as chancellor alleging that the City chamberlain refused to deliver her portion to them as administrators of her goods (Early Chancery Proceedings, 28/143).
page 141 note 4 H. R. 196 (10); see pp. 156–7, below.
page 142 note 1 H.R. 196 (11).
page 142 note 2 H. R. 204 (4) and (6).
page 142 note 3 Journal 7, ff. 204, 205; Letter Book L, p. 89.
page 142 note 4 Early Chancery Proceedings, 26/196 and 31/527.
page 142 note 5 Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. IV, ii, 120–21.
page 143 note 1 P. C. C. 33 Wattys.
page 143 note 2 Letter Book L, p. 103.
page 143 note 3 Id., p. 281.
page 143 note 4 H. R. 226 (1).
page 143 note 5 Letter Book L, p. 295.
page 143 note 6 P.C.C. 17 Blamyr.
page 143 note 7 Letters and Papers Henry VIII, xvi, 503 (15)Google Scholar
page 144 note 1 H. R. 238 (13). The demise was ‘to the use of Roger Halle ’. One of Halle's co-feoffees was Thomas More.
page 144 note 2 Will ap. P. C. C. 33 Holder.
page 144 note 3 Letters and Papers Henry VIII, xvi, 503 (15) and 1056 (59).Google Scholar
page 144 note 4 H.R. 247 (91).
page 144 note 5 Letters Patent ap. Strype, Survey, Book II, p. 49.
page 144 note 6 Acts of Privy Council, ii, 168, iv, 18.Google Scholar
page 144 note 7 Diary, p. 123.
page 145 note 1 Repertory 16, f. 15. Draper was to pay 4d. rent. Since the kitchen was vaulted underneath, its chimney was naturally carried on an arch.
page 145 note 2 Thomas Lewen, alderman of Walbrook.
page 145 note 3 Diary, p. 141.
page 145 note 4 See Strype, , Survey, ii, p. 44Google Scholar, for an account of his tomb and the inscription.
page 145 note 5 London Inquisitions post mortem, iii, 36.Google Scholar
page 145 note 6 Ibid, ii, 13.
page 145 note 7 Id., iii, 146.
page 145 note 8 Id., iii, 186, 270.
page 146 note 1 H. R. 269 (78).
page 146 note 2 Id., 272 (5), and Lond. Inq. p. m., iii, 172.Google Scholar
page 146 note 3 P. C. C. 62 Kidd. Webbe left a piece of plate to his dear friend and brother Sir Henry Billingsley. His sister Lucy was mother of Archbishop Laud.
page 146 note 4 H. R. 291 (34).
page 146 note 5 H. R. 307 (2). A John Porter, grocer, of St. Augustine's by Paul's Gate made a nuncupative will in 1601 (P. C. C. 28 Bolein). I have not been able to trace the will of John Porter, fishmonger.
page 147 note 1 This seems most probable. But the name was apparently applied also to other lanes leading from Thames Street to the river. Thus there was a Water Lane farther west than Askham's Place (II.R. 140 (34) and 142 (32)); but this was clearly different from the lane on the east of Browne's Place.
page 147 note 2 See Ancient Deeds, A. 1797, and H. R. 172 (50).
page 147 note 3 See p. 155. below.
page 148 note 1 See p. 155.
page 148 note 2 See p. 156.
page 148 note 3 This was about the height of the undercroft at Crosby Hall.
page 148 note 4 See p. 150.
page 148 note 5 Royal Comm. on Hist. MSS., 9th Report, Appendix I, p. 18. It was provided: ‘quod unaqueque postis per totam latitudinem predicte placee contra Thamisiam sit firmiter conjuncta cum alia et quod sit longitudinis a firmamento terre usque ad summitatem wharfi duodecim pedum, que quidem constructio vocatur Anglice “Nedlyng”, cum bonis kaiis et sufficientibus ad hoc pertinentibus ad modum Wharfi Johannis de Oxenford.’ This was presumably Paul's Wharf, which was, however, somewhat farther west than Broken Wharf. In 1430 the Dean and Chapter obtained a lease of an adjacent deserted wharf which belonged to the City, with a view to the wharves being rebuilt. Letter Book K, p. 120.
page 150 note 1 See pp. 144–5.
page 151 note 1 Stairs are shown conjecturally at this point on the plan. Owing to the fall of the ground more than nine steps would be required here.
page 152 note 1 L. T. R. (Foreign Accounts) 22 Richard II. Farryngdon's date was of course much earlier.
page 152 note 2 See London Topographical Record, x, pp. 131–3.Google Scholar
page 152 note 3 Ibid., xi. 70–73.
page 152 note 4 P. C. C. 21 Jankyn.
page 153 note 1 Will ap. Commissary of London, Sharp, f. 143.
page 153 note 2 This resembles Gisors Hall, which Parker (Domestic Architecture, ii, 186) conjectured to have been built of timber with ends of stone, with an entrance by a flight of steps.
page 153 note 3 See illustrations in London Topographical Record, x, 128, and Archaeologia, lvii, Plate xxxiv.
page 153 note 4 As was the case at the Coldharbour in 1486.
page 153 note 5 Archaeologia, lxxi, pp. 23, 27, 33.Google Scholar The garden at the Steelyard was about 200 feet long, but very narrow.
page 153 note 6 P. C. C 43 Moone.
page 153 note 7 Letter Book L, p. 108.
page 153 note 8 P. C. C. 10 Logge. The font may have been of lead with an image to spout the water. Other instances are those of Sir Edmund Mulso, who in 1458 left the furniture of his chapel to St. Michael Paternoster (P. C. C. 24 Stokton), of Sir Thomas Cooke, who was mayor in 1462, and makes mention of his chapel in his will in 1478 (P. C. C. 36 Wattys), and of Thomas Bodley, who in 1491 bequeathed his mass-book and the apparel of his altar (P. C. C. 27 Dogett). This last may have been a portable altar. The bequest by Dame Alice Steward in 1456 of a silver cross, two silver candlesticks, two silver cruets, a silver gilt bell, silver paxbrede, and vestment of blue velvet to the high altar at St. Leonard Eastcheap probably represents the furniture of her private altar or chapel (P. C. C. 24 Stokton). At a much earlier date in 1300 there is mention of the chapel of Henry le Galeys or Waleys, the famous mayor of Edward I's time (Calendar of Mayor's” Court Rolls, p. 82).
page 154 note 1 It was in St. Dunstan's parish.
page 154 note 2 P. C. C. 5 Logge.
page 156 note 1 The first part is, of course, peculiar to the Deed.
page 156 note 2 Blank in both originals.
page 157 note 1 B. omits this clause.
page 157 note 2 B. omits the whole of this clause and concludes as follows:
page 157 note 3 ‘Togidre with fre entre and issue, goyng and comyng, passage and repassage from Thamys strete afore saide, by and thurgh the saide grete gate and grounds theire vnto all the saide parcelles and every of thaim, and from thens doon to the wharf and watirside their att all tymes, with her resonable easment of the same. The saide Anneys my wife alwey bering and duly supportyng the necessary reparacions of all the parcelles aforesaide while she shalle so haue and holde thaim.’
If Anneys willed to leave the said parcels she was to have 20 marks a year out of the messuage, key, and wharf.