Article contents
The Roman Siege of Masada
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 January 2015
Extract
The arid plateau of the Judaean wilderness drops on the east to the trough of the Dead Sea in a long range of sheer cliffs, which are pierced about 32 miles south of the mouth of the Jordan by the ravine of the Wad-el-Hâfâf. On its northern flank a huge mass of their red limestone has split away to form an isolated flat-topped crag standing 1700 feet above the Dead Sea about a mile and a half from its western shore.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Antiquity Publications Ltd 1929
References
1 Lynch, , Official Report of U.S. Expedition to explore the Dead Sea and River Jordan, p. 330 ff.Google Scholar
2 Quarterly Statement of Palestine Exploration Fund, 1869, p. 146 ff.Google Scholar
3 The topography in Josephus, , Bell. Jud. 7, 280 ff.Google Scholar and 305 is clear enough if it be borne in mind (1) that the descriptions are as from inside Masada, (2) that the whole, fortress-area and the northern summit are to be distinguished from each other.
4 Schulten, , Nutnantia 3, p. 23 fails to see this.Google Scholar
5 Compare Scipio’s offensive and defensive troops at Numantia: Appian, Iberica, 92, Schulten, op. cit. p. 45. A similar disposition of forces characterized the whole Roman frontier system, the consolidation of which by the Flavians was beginning at the time of the siege of Masada, cf. p. 213 below.
6 Lynch, , op. cit. p. 330;Google Scholar Rey, , Voyage dans le Haouran, p. 284;Google Scholar von Domaszewski, , De Provincia Arabia, 3, p. 224.Google Scholar
7 As its interior was solid earth, Josephus ‘phrase’ burnt up through its hollowness’, Bell.Jud. VII, 316, is puzzling. Probably the timbers burnt out and created hollow flues by which the fire penetrated the whole structure; such a process was adduced by Déchelette to explain the ‘vitrified forts’ of Western Europe: Manuel, II. 2, p. 704 ff.
8 The references to Josephus (Teubner text) for the forgoing narrative are : for earlier history Antiq.Jud. XIV, 296, 335, 390-400; XV, 184: Bell. Jud. 1, 236, 266; 11, 408, 433-4, 447, 653; IV, 399-405, 503-6, 555; for topography and account of siege VII, 252-407.
09 See pages 195, 197.
10 Josephus, , Antiq.Jud. 14, 394.Google Scholar
11 For photographs taken from the ground, see especially von Domaszewski, op. cit. figs. II02–6, 1109–1113, ni5–ii20, and Taylor’s edition(Traill’s translation)of Josephus Bell.Jud. (1847–51), vol. I, p. 232, vol. 11, pp. 87, 238; letterpress vol. 11, pp. cix–cxv.
12 Richmond’s, 4th summary, Yorks. Arch. Journal, 29, pp. 225–231, with diagram.Google Scholar
13 e.g. scenes XI–XII, XVI–XVII, XX, XXXIX, LX, LXV.
14 So Schulten (plan vili, 5) has reconstructed the corresponding type of tower on Scipio’s siege-wall at Numantia; but there seem to be passages through some of the Masada towers.
15 Appian, Iberica, 90.
16 Schulten, , plan 8, 2. cf.Google Scholar Caesar, , Bell. Gall, 7, 72, 4.Google Scholar
17 von Domaszewski, p. 224.
18 Schulten, pp. 32, 82–3.
19 Schulten, p. 100.
20 ibid. pp. 25–37 (correcting Appian loc. cit.), 101, 191.
21 Rey, op. cit. pp. 284,294. Hence Schulten’s unsatisfactory plan VIII. 7, cf. p. 87.
22 Bell. Jud. 7, 5.Google Scholar
23 C.I.L. III, p. 857, dipl. XIV.
24 Dessau, 8970 : Pliny, Panegyricus, 14. 1.
25 Dessau, 9059.
26 Probably of a headquarters building : see pi. in in P.S.A. Scot.xxx.ni (1898), pp. 198–249.
27 J.R.S. 9 (1919), p. 3 ff.Google Scholar
28 cf. Tacitus, , Annals, 15. 6, 2 : ‘hibernavisse raptim erectis tuguriis’.Google Scholar
29 e.g. the ‘great camp’ at Newstead: Curle, , Roman Frontier Post, p. 15 ff.Google Scholar
30 p. 225.
31 Tacitus, , Annals, 1. 61. 3.Google Scholar
32 Dio, uvi. 21. I.
33 Bell. Jud. 3. 70–109.Google Scholar
34 1, 23.
35 III, 8.
36 ch. 21.
37 ch. 55.
38 ch. 56.
39 1, 23.
40 von Domaszewski p. 225.
41 e.g. scenes VIII and LIII : cf. Josephus, III. 120.
42 Schulten, pp. 128–132.
43 Vita Hadriani x: Dio, LXIX. 9.
44 ch. 11.
45 von Domaszewski, p. 226.
46 Yorks. Arch. Journal, 28, pp. 26–27.Google Scholar
47 Thus the meaning of Hyginus’ ‘right’ and ‘left’ remains uncertain, despite von Domaszewski, p. 226.
48 e.g. scenes X, LXXVII, CIV, CXXXVII.
49 Schulten, p. 155.
50 As ibid. p. 197.
51 As von Domaszewski rashly assumes, pp. 226–7.
52 Tacitus, , Annals, 2.Google Scholar 13.1: (Germanicus) ‘egressus augurali per occulta et vigilibus ignara’, is uncertain evidence against this; Silver Latin could use augurale loosely for the whole praetorium (Quintilian, VIII, 2. 8).
53 Schulten, p. 129.
54 See note 58.
55 Tacitus, , Annals, 15. 30. 1.Google Scholar
56 ch. 11.
57 e.g. scene XXX.
58 Immediately north of the headquarters; see schematic plan in Bonner Jahrbücher, 111–112 (1904), p. 89.
59 So at least Hyginus ch. 3.
60 Tacitus, Annals, 1. 18. 3, 28. 9. The events of Histories, III. 13 are to be similarly explained.
61 III. 8.
62 ch. 20; cf. ch. 15 and p. 210 below.
63 The standards could probably be on either side; cf. the position of their shrine at Neuss, see p. 208 and note 58.
64 ch. 9.
65 ibid. ch. 18. It was used for hostages, spoils of war, etc.
66 ch. 4.
67 ibid. ch. 1.
68 ibid. ch. 18.
69 ibid. ch. 1.
70 There were thus 30–40 men to a century (nominally 80); cf. 31 effectives + 9 details present in a century in an Egyptian papyrus of 90 A.D.: Parker, Roman Legions, p. 208.
71 Josephus, , Bell.Jud. 3, 82.Google Scholar
72 Parker, op. cit. p. 211.
73 ch. 15.
74 ch. 14.
75 cf. von Domaszewski, p. 232.
76 see p. 199.
77 Hyginus, ch. 28.
78 pp. 231–233 and fig. 1114.
79 von Domaszewski noticed one, but identified the others as a magazine and a centurions’ dining–tent. His theory of centurions’ tents all grouped together is doubtful.
80 e.g. Schulten, plan XXXIX, nos. 33–40: cf. pp. 210–11.
81 P.S.A.Scot, XXXIII, p1. VI, fig. 7.
82 Described to me in a letter by Mr Richmond.
83 That there was no circumvallation here, as Schulten and others have thought, is confirmed by Collingwood, , Antiquaries Journal, 6, pp. 83–4.Google Scholar
- 8
- Cited by