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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 08 May 2015
At the end of the Suppliant Women of Aeschylus, a lyrical argument develops which is without any exact parallel in Greek tragedy. Our single, badly corrupted, manuscript does not name the combatants; at the most crucial section it does not even indicate change of singer by the customary dash; it has no list of dramatis personae. The chorus of Danaids has long been arguing against a forced marriage, and it is generally accepted that they are one of the participants in the argument. But who are their antagonists? On the older view, the chorus is divided against itself; on the more recent one, another group of singers is disputing with them. Who these singers are is not generally agreed, though the majority vote is for a chorus of handmaidens. It will be my concern in this paper to argue that the antagonist is one person and that person is Hypermnestra, who, in the sequel, alone of the Danaids spared her husband, Lynceus, and thus founded the royal line of Argos, where the play is set. The exact way in which Aeschylus portrayed her action, and the fate of her sisters, are quite uncertain.
1 Versions of the legend vary: the best discussion is in Garvie, A.F. (ed.), Aeschylus’ Supplices (Cambridge 1969), 163–233Google Scholar with references; see also Beck, R.H., Aeschylus: Playwright Educator (The Hague 1975), 143–67 (especially bold);Google ScholarBogner, H., Der tragische Gegensatz (Heidelberg 1947), 104–28;Google ScholarCantarella, R., Eschile (Firenze 1941), 140–50;Google ScholarGagarin, M., Aeschylean Drama (Berkeley 1976), 127–32;Google ScholarJäkel, S., ‘The 14th Heroic Letter of Ovid & the Danaid Trilogy of A.,‘ Mnemosyne 26 (1973), 239–48;CrossRefGoogle ScholarJohansen, H.F. and Whittle, E.W., Die Hiketiden des Aeschylos (Wien 1979), 57–68;Google ScholarWinnington-Ingram, R.P., Studies in Aeschylus (Cambridge 1983), 55–72 (from JHS 81 [1961], 141-52).Google Scholar
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5 Garvie op.cit. 1-87 and 141-62 with refs. This is now almost universallyaccepted; to the contrary only: Earp, F.R., ‘The date of the S. of A.’, G & R 22 (1953), 118–123;Google ScholarDiamantopoulos, A., ‘The Danaid Tetralogy of A.’, JHS 77 (1957), 220–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
6 Oxford Classical Text, 1937; cf. his translation (London 1930) and Aeschylus (Oxford 1948), 49–56. This goes back to U. von Wilamowitz (refs. in Garvie, op.cit. 207-8).
7 See, for example, the more recent Oxford Classical Text of Page, D.L. (Oxford 1972), 123.Google Scholar
8 Kaimio, M., The Chorus in Greek Drama Within the Light of the Person and Number Used (Helsinki 1970), especially 105.Google Scholar
9 An alternative emendation is Ferrari’s ‘display your might’
10 Reading Κwith Murray, etc.; Page has Κ ‘may that contest be hateful to Aphrodite’.
11 So I do not believe in the chorus of Argive women introduced by Lembke, J. (translation: Oxford 1975), even though I agree with her that the tone of the remarks would suit them.Google Scholar
12 E.g. 215 ‘this fate‘ = ‘our fate’.
13 Keeping ms. in 1051; the conjecture would give ‘the destiny of marriage is ours’. The ms. is uncertain in these forms, reading in 1032-3.
14 E.g. Smyth, H.W. (London 1922 [Loeb]): ‘a Danaid’, ‘a handmaiden’. I follow his line division. D.L. Page defends the line-division of his text in CQ 31 (1937), 97.Google Scholar
15 I was both pleased and sorry to find that this idea, though absent from the standard discussions, had been to some extent anticipated by Ferguson and Buxton (though it is not Buxton’s preferred alternative).
16 See Ferguson, op.cit.
17 See especially Murray, R.D., The motif of Io in A.’ S. (Princeton 1958).Google Scholar
18 A selection of recent views:
(a) Both the final dialogue and the introduction of Antigone and Ismene into the lamentations are non-Aeschylean: Dawe, R.D., C.Q. n.s. 17 (1967), 16–28,CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Dionysiaca: Nine Studies Page, D. (Cambridge 1978), 87–103;Google ScholarFraenkel, E., Museum Helveticum 21 (1964), 58–64;Google ScholarNicolaus, P., DieFragenach derEchtheit (diss. Tübingen 1967);Google ScholarPetersmann, H., Z. Ant. 22 (1972), 25–34.Google Scholar
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(c) The disputed passages are genuine: Erbse, H., Serta Turyniana - Studies A. Turyn (Illinois 1974), 169–98;Google ScholarFlintoff, E., Mnemosyne 33 (1980), 244–71;CrossRefGoogle ScholarLloyd-Jones, H., C.Q. n.s. 9 (1959), 80–115;CrossRefGoogle ScholarMellon, P.S., The ending of the S.a.T. (diss. Stanford 1974);Google ScholarOrwin, C., CPh 75 (1980), 187–96.Google Scholar
19 The attribution of the play to Aeschylus is unanimous in the ancient sources, and I find modern arguments to the contrary unconvincing, e.g. Griffith, M., The authenticity of the ‘P.B.’ (Cambridge 1977) with references. The issue is far too complex for discussion here.Google Scholar
20 Hester, D.A., ‘Very much the safest plan’, Antichthon 7 (1973), 8–13.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
21 See Pool, E.H., ‘Clytemnestra’s first entrance in Aeschylus’ Agamemnon’, Mnemosyne 36 (1983), 71–116, and of course Taplin, op.cit.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
22 Aristophanes, , Frogs 1028–9, 911-26.Google Scholar