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The Role of the Lukka People in Late Bronze Age Anatolia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 May 2015

T. R. Bryce
T. R. Bryce*
Affiliation:
University of Queensland
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Extract

In a number of Near Eastern texts dating to the period of the Hittite New Kingdom, the term Lukka appears as a geographical and/or ethnic designation for one of the Late Bronze Age population groups of western Anatolia. Unfortunately we have no documents which deal primarily or specifically with the Lukka people; what we know of them rests essentially on incidental references in Hittite treaties, letters, prayers and historical records, along with several references in non-Hittite sources. Yet although the evidence is meagre, it still provides a relatively clear picture of the general character of the Lukka people and the role they played in the political and military affairs of Hittite Anatolia.

Type
Research Article
Information
Antichthon , Volume 13 , 1979 , pp. 1 - 11
Copyright
Copyright © Australasian Society for Classical Studies 1979

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References

1 The following abbreviations are used in this paper: AJA = American Journal of Archaeology; AO =Archiv Orientalni; AS = Anatolian Studies; EA = The El-Amarna Tablets; CTH = Laroche, E.Catalogue des Textes Hittites (Paris 1971);Google ScholarJNES = Journal of Near Eastern Studies; KBo = Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazköi (Leipzig/ Berlin); KUB = Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazköi (Berlin); MVAG = Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft (Leipzig).

2 See, most recently, my discussion of the location of Lukka in ‘The Lukka Problem — and a Possible Solution’, JNES 33 (1974), 395–404.

3 For example, Millawanda lay close to the Lukka city Iyalanda. This can be inferred from the Tawagalawa letter (see below) which indicates that Atriya lay in the district of Iyalanda (I i 35–39); in the so-called Milawata letter (KUB XIX 55) however, Atriya is treated as a possession of Millawanda (rev. 47–49).

4 ‘The Lukka Problem’, 399–401.

5 A recent comprehensive treatment of the Arzawa lands is given by Heinhold-Krahmer, S.Arzawa [Texte der Hethiter 8], (Heidelberg 1977).Google Scholar For a general discussion on the nature and scope of Hittite treaties with vassal states, see J. Pirenne, ‘La politique d’expansion hittite envisagée à travers les traités de vassalité et de protectorat’, AO 18.1–2 (1950), 378–82.

6 Translated by Gurney, O.R. in Garstang, J. and Gurney, O.R.The Geography of the Hittite Empire (London 1959) (hereafter cited as Geography), 121–3.Google Scholar

7 See, for example, Houwink ten Cate, Ph.The Records of the Early Hittite Empire (c. 1450–1380 B.C.) (Istanbul 1970) (hereafter cited as Records).Google Scholar

8 The Confederac.0y perhaps extended from the Maeander valley to the Troad. A number of scholars have proposed a Lydian location for Assuwa, and on the basis of this proposition it has been suggested that Assuwa may be the original of Asia which, as F. Stubbings points out, was applied in Roman times to the province in just that area (CAH 23. 2. 341).

9 Garstang and Gurney prefer to restore the name as ArdJ ugga (Geography, 106–7) partly on the basis that the name Ardukka occurs in KUB XXIII 21, a text which appears to refer to several countries mentioned also in the Assuwan list. They further argue that since two Lukka settlements, Wallarimma and Arinna, had already been defeated in Tudhaliya’s previous campaign against the western countries, Lukka could not therefore have been part of the Assuwan Confederacy. Yet the subjugation of two Lukka settlements certainly does not mean that Lukka territory as a whole had been effectively pacified. Moreover, as G.L. Huxley points out, Tudhaliya may well have been obliged to put down a second revolt in the area. (Achaeans and Hittites [Oxford 1960], 33).

10 The text has been edited (with German translation) by Goetze, A.Madduwattas [Hethitische Texte 3. MVAG 32. 1] (Leipzig 1928).Google Scholar

11 The text was originally associated with Tudhaliya IV and his son Arnuwanda III, but is now redated to the reigns of Tudhaliya II and Arnuwanda I.

12 Madduwattas, obv. sec. 14.

13 Hapalla was one of the Arzawa lands; see Garstang and Gurney, Geography, 97–100

14 On the status of the various Hittite subject states, see Goetze, Kleinasien2 (Munich 1957), 95–109.Google Scholar

15 The text has been edited (with English translation) by Gurney, O.R.Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Liverpool 32 (1940).Google Scholar

16 Translated by Gumey, op. cit. 29–31.

17 This information is provided by the so-called decree of Hattusili III (KBo VI 28); see Goetze, A. ‘Kizzuwatna and the Problem of Hittite Geography’, Yale Oriental Series, Researches 21 (1940), 21–6.Google Scholar

18 EA 31. 27, translated by H.G. Güterbock.

19 Transliterated versions (with translations) of the text appear in Knudtzon, J.A.Die El-Amarna Tafeln (Leipzig 1915), 292–4Google Scholar and Mercer, S.A.B.The Tell-El-Amarna Tablets (Toronto 1939), 200–2.Google Scholar

20 EA 38. 7–22. For a discussion of the identification of Alasiya with Cyprus, see Catling, H.W.CAH 23. 2. 201–5, and the references contained therein.Google Scholar

21 For the list of texts constituting the Annals, see E. Laroche, CTH 61. The Annals have been edited (with German translation) by Goetze, Die Annalen des Murၡiliၡ [Hethitische Texte 6, MVAG 38] (Leipzig 1933).Google Scholar

22 The Annals indicate that these events occurred during the third year of Mursili’s reign.

23 I have discussed this campaign in some detail in ‘Some Geographical and Political Aspects of Mursili’s Arzawan Campaign’, AS 24 (1974), 103–16.

24 This proposal has recently been made by Heinhold-Krahmer, Arzawa, 136–47.Google Scholar

25 The text has been edited (with German translation) by Sommer, F.Die AhhijavāUrkunden (Munich 1932),Google Scholar Chapter 1. Extracts from the text are translated into English in Garstang and Gurney, Geography, 111–14.1 have discussed the political and historical implications of this document in ‘Some Reflections on the Historical Significance of the Tawagalawas Letter’, Orientalia 48 (1979), 91–6.

26 Op. cit. 95.

27 This is illustrated by the campaign of Attarssiya, ‘the Man of Ahhiya’, into Hittite territory during the reign of Tudhaliya II (the Indictment of Madduwatta, obv. sec. 12)

28 The text has been edited (with German translation) by Friedrich, J.Staatsvertráge des Hatti-Reiches in hethitischer Sprache [Hethitische Texte 4, MVAG 24. 1] (1930), 50–82;Google Scholar see especially sec. 14, pp. 66–8. Extracts from the text are translated into English in Garstang and Gurney, Geography, 102 f.

29 Translated by Gurney, op. cit. 102.

30 For a translation of the Egyptian inscriptions which record the battle, see Gardiner, A.The Kadesh Inscriptions of Ramesses II (Oxford 1975).Google Scholar

31 For the list of Hittite allies, see Gardiner, op. cit. 8, P44–P47. This list has been discussed by Barnett, R.D.CAH 23. 2. 359–63;Google Scholar cf. Goetze, A.CAH 23. 2. 252–6.Google Scholar

32 Gardiner, op. cit. 8, P52–P53.

33 Ph. Houwink ten Cate, Records, 73 n. 105.

34 This is also indicated by KUB XXVI 12, a document dating to the time of Tudhaliya IV (c. 1250–1220), son and successor of Hattusili III. In sec. 10 of this document, the Hittite frontier commanders are instructed not to let anyone cross the borders of the Hittite homeland from Azzi, Kaska, or Lukka. In the past incursions from Azzi and Kaska had seriously jeopardized the security, and indeed the very survival, of the kingdom of Hatti; and the fact that Lukka is grouped with Azzi and Kaska in this particular context may well indicate its continuing role as a source of considerable danger and hostility to Hittite interests towards the end of the 13th century. KUB XXVI 12 is edited by von Schuler, E.Archiv für Orientforschung, Beiheft 10 (1957), 22–35.Google Scholar

35 See Breasted, J.H.Ancient Records of Egypt (New York 1962), 3. 238–64.Google Scholar For a recent discussion of the participants in the Sea Peoples’ attack upon Egypt during Merneptah’s reign, see Sandars, N.K.The Sea Peoples (London 1978), 105–15;Google Scholar on the Lukka people in particular, see 105–7.

36 Ugaritica 5 (1968), 87–8, no. 24.

37 ‘New Evidence on the Last Days of Ugarit’, AJA 69 (1965), 255.

38 This is made clear in the Tawagalawa letter I i 60, where the Hittite king refers to the inhabitants of Millawanda as ‘the subjects of my brother’, ie. of the king of Ahhiyawa.

39 A recent discussion of Aegean influence in the Maeander region appears in Mee, C. ‘Aegean Trade and Settlement in Anatolia in the Second Millennium B.C.’, AS 28 (1978), 121–56.Google Scholar

40 From recent linguistic studies it is clear that the Lycian language is closely connected with Luwian, a language related to Hittite and widely spoken in western and southern Anatolia during the Late Bronze Age. This was first effectively demonstrated by Tritsch, F.J. ‘Lycian, Luwian, and Hittite’, AO 18. 1–2 (1950), 494–518.Google Scholar A detailed study of the relationship between Luwian and Lycian was subsequently made by Laroche, E. especially in a series of articles entitled ‘Comparaison du louvite et du lycien’ in Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 53 (1957–58), 159–97;Google Scholar 55 (1960), 155–85; 62 (1967), 46–64. Almost certainly the Lukka were a Luwian speaking people. I have discussed the possible links between Lukka people and Lycians in a paper to be published in the Proceedings of the IVth International Colloquium on Aegean Prehistory, held in Sheffield University, April 1977.