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Honouring the Repairer of the Baths: A New Inscription from Kolossai

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  19 January 2015

Alan Cadwallader
Alan Cadwallader*
Affiliation:
The Australian Catholic University, Signadou Campus, Canberra, ACT, [email protected]
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Abstract

Kolossai, an anciently-celebrated south-west Phrygian town, now lies dormant as a denuded mound three kilometres north of the modern Turkish town of Honaz. It is not over-endowed with published discoveries of material remains. In the last few years, two new inscriptions plus one recorded in an early epigrapher's notes and two new coins found in situ have been published. The total is now twenty-seven inscriptions and 157 or 158 coins. The most systematic material analysis of the site has focused on the surface pottery remains. The attempted compensation for this dearth by previous historians in over-reading the testimonia for the site is hardly satisfying, and one awaits with anticipation the fruit of those who are able to garner permission to survey the site completely and commence excavations. Meanwhile, each small discovery is valuable, and I am grateful to Professor Ender Varinlioğlu for permission to publish this inscription.

Type
Research Article
Information
Antichthon , Volume 46 , 2012 , pp. 150 - 183
Copyright
Copyright © Australasian Society for Classical Studies 2012

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References

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4 I am extremely grateful also to G.H.R. Horsley for his wise caution and prudent advice on the reconstruction and interpretation of the inscription and to the two anonymous readers of this paper whose close attention has unlocked new insights and generated several improvements.

5 Peter Fraser dubs this the ‘sepulchral genitive’: Rhodian Funerary Monuments (Oxford 1977)49–51Google Scholar.

6 Cadwallader, ‘Two New Inscriptions’ (n. 2) 112-18. Two Greek inscriptions from Kolossai (IGR IV.468, 469Google Scholar) illustrate the familiar Latin formula, albeit to emperors (Trajan, Hadrian) which may attract the classification of a ‘votive dative’, indicative of the emperor's unique proximity to the divine: see Price, S.R.F., ‘Gods and Emperors: The Greek Language of the Imperial Cult’, JHS 104 (1984) 79–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Elsewhere, the ascription to Tyche, to the emperor (Alexander Severus) and to the honoured individual could all be combined (in the dative): TAM V.758Google Scholar.

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8 The iota adscript adds an archaic gravity to the text. It is found only in lines 1-2; compare line 5.

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14 As in AS 1960, 51 no. 100, where is taken by Stephen Mitchell as ‘home city’ (compare IStr 1009). This does not deny that Korambos may have held citizenship elsewhere, as indeed the Pisidian inscription just cited indicates. However, in that inscription a distinction is made between primary and other () ‘home cities’: see Mitchell, , ‘Three Cities in Pisidia’, AS 44 (1994) 134-5Google Scholar.

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26 Plato, , Laws 778cGoogle Scholar. He allows walls if houses form part of the ring (Laws 779b).

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30 Fulfilling Coulton's own criterion (135).

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38 Stephen Tracy finds a number of examples of master cutters and their apprentices in Athens, marked by a similarity of idiosyncratic practice with enough difference to substantiate different hands: see his Attic Letter-Cutters of229 to 86 B.C. (Berkeley 1990) 230-2Google Scholar.

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45 See von Aulock, , Münzen und Städte Phrygiens (n. 2) vol. 2, §§566–578Google Scholar.

46 See Sartre-Fauriat, A., ‘Les notables et leur role dans l'urbanisme du Hauran à l'époque romaine’, in Petitfrere, C. (ed.), Construction, reproduction et represéntation des patiiciats urbains de l'Antiquité au XXe siècle (Tours 1999) 223-40Google Scholar; Goodchild, R.G. and Perkins, J.B. Ward, ‘The Limes Tripolitanus in the Light of Recent Discoveries’, JRS 39 (1949) 87-8Google Scholar.

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53 Marijana Ricl suggests the name could be ‘a patronymic adjective’: ‘A New Inscription from the Cayster Valley’, in Catling, R.W.V. and Marchand, F. (eds), Onomatologos: Studies in Greek Personal Names Presented to Elaine Matthews (Oxford 2010) 544 n. 62Google Scholar. is more widely attested: Paus. VI.16.2, CID 11.38Google Scholar.

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55 Louis Robert noted, but provided no comment on, ‘le caractère local’ of the name . He makes no reference to Homer. There may be something of indigenous origins in the tradition that Tudeides was a ‘tamer of horses’. See Noms indigènes dans L'Asie-Mineure Gréco-romaine (Amsterdam 1991 [1963]) 391 n. 8Google Scholar. Colvin, , ‘Names in Lycia’ (n. 54) 56Google Scholar, however, ties the name to the Lycian word for ‘son’ (tideimi).

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59 From whence came a hair-style: cf. ibid. 268.

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68 LGPN VA s.v.

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84 Here is not the place to investigate more broadly the debate over Romanisation of Asia Minor and the extent and variety of the adherence to Hellenisation as a means of resistance to Rome. On inscriptions as a measure of integration, see Kearsley, Greeks and Romans (n. 7).

85 J.S. Morrison calls this a ‘regular Greek habit’: ‘Meno of Pharsalus, Polycrates and Ismenias’, CQ 36 (1942) 75 n. 1Google Scholar. Sartre, Compare M., ‘Cultural Identity and Syrian Names’, in Matthews, , Greek Onomastics (n. 52) 224Google Scholar.

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106 Dmitriev, S., City Government in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor (Oxford 2005) 4, 332Google Scholar.

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120 See Heller, A., “Les Bêtises des Grecs”: Conflits et rivalités entre cités d'Asie et de Bithyne à l'époque romaine (129 a.C-235p.C) (Bordeaux 2006) 125-7Google Scholar.

121 The nineteenth century interpretation of Kolossai by Lightfoot, J.B. (Saint Paul's Epistles to the Colossians and Philemon (London9th edn, 1890 [1875]), 13-17, 32, 37, 40-1, 68)Google Scholar and Ramsay, W.M. (The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, 2 vols [Oxford 1895, 1897] 209, 212, 238)Google Scholar have had more than a century of reiteration.

122 See my ‘Refuting an Axiom of Scholarship on Colossae: Fresh Insights from New and Old Inscriptions’, in Cadwallader, and Trainor, , Colossae in Space and Time (n. 3) 151-79Google Scholar.