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Homer in Pisidia: Aspects of the History of Greek Education in a remote Roman Province

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 May 2015

G.H.R. Horsley
G.H.R. Horsley*
Affiliation:
The University of New England
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Extract

In the pantheon of poets of all cultures and ages, Homer (however we respond to the ‘Homeric Question’) has a unique place. His primacy is due to the fact that his two epic poems encapsulated Hellenic culture, both for the Greeks themselves, and for others steeped in the ‘European tradition’ whether in antiquity or in subsequent ages. So much is this the case that the very name ‘Homer’ became an abstraction, summing up what it was to be Hellenic. All literature written by Greeks, in the Archaic, Classical, Hellenistic, and Imperial periods, and much that was produced by others (including in Latin), looks back to the Iliad and the Odyssey, takes its rise from them, finds its locus in them. A canonicity was conferred on these poems such as on no other Greek text in equal degree. If Shakespeare was representative of an entire age in one culture, Homer summed up a culture itself.

Type
Research Article
Information
Antichthon , Volume 34 , November 2000 , pp. 46 - 81
Copyright
Copyright © Australasian Society for Classical Studies 2000

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12 Discussed in Horsley (n.5).

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18 On this process in Pisidia see Mitchell, S., ‘The hellenisation of Pisidia’, MeditArch 4 (1991) 119–45Google Scholar; id., ‘Hellenismus in Pisidien’, in E. Schwertheim (ed.), Forschungen in Pisidien (Asia Minor Studien 6; Bonn, 1992), 1-27. Lykia: Bryce, T.R., ‘Hellenism in Lycia’, in Descoeudres, J.-P. (ed.), Greek colonists and native populations (Canberra 1990) 531–41Google Scholar.

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20 Horsley, G.H.R., ‘The Mysteries of Artemis Ephesia in Pisidia: a new inscribed relief, AS 42 (1992) 119–50 (pl.)Google Scholar. Burdur Museum inv. no. 415.34.74. See Horsley, /Mitchell, S., The Inscriptions of Central Pisidia (IK 57; Bonn 2000)—I.Pisid. Cen.— no. 31 (pl.)Google Scholar.

21 Horsley, G.H.R., ‘A hellenistic funerary epigram from Pisidia’, Antichthon 32 (1998) 2933 (pl.)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Burdur Museum, inv. no. 3247; provenance within Pisidia unknown.

22 Fundamental still on education in Graeco-Roman antiquity remain Marrou, H.I., Histoire de l'education dans l'antiquité (Paris7 1976Google Scholar), and Nilsson, M.P., Die hellenistische Schule (Munich 1955)Google Scholar. More recently, Bonner, S.F., Education in ancient Rome (Berkeley 1977)Google Scholar.

23 Discussed already in ed. pr., 33: not in Homer and only in lyric sections of tragedy, and appears otherwise confined to epigrams of the Second Sophistic (Anth.Pal. 15.25.19Google Scholar; IGUR 3.1151Google Scholar (Rome, I A.D.; = IG XIV.2139Google Scholar = GVI 722).

24 Swain, S., Hellenism and Empire. Language, classicism and power in the Greek world A.D. 50-250 (Oxford 1996)Google Scholar.

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26 For these two factors, and other useful observations drawn upon here, see Morgan, T.J., ‘Teaching Greek literature in Graeco-Roman Egypt’, in Kramer, B.et al. (edd.), Akten des 21. internationalen Papyruskongresses Berlin, 13.-19.8.1995 (APF Beiheft 3; Stuttgart 1997), 2.738–43Google Scholar. Cf. eadem, Literate education in the Hellenistic and Roman worlds (Cambridge 1998)Google Scholar.

27 The mask of Socrates, 194-97; cf. 128-29. The quotations come from 194, 214, and 129, respectively.

28 Ibid., 165-66, fig. 88a-c.

29 E.g., Herodotos (45), Plato (90), Sophokles (38). These totals are based on the material collected by W. Clarysse in the CD-ROM LDAB, Leuven Database of Ancient Texts (1998). Cf. Haslam, M., ‘Homeric papyri and transmission of the text’, in New Companion, 55–100, at 60Google Scholar. For a catalogue of school exercises ranging more widely than Homer alone see Pack, R.A., The Greek and Latin literary texts from Greco-Roman Egypt (Ann Arbor21967) nos. 2642-2751Google Scholar. A project based at Leuven is well under way with a new edition of Pack's book.

30 Data serving as a basis for these observations were included in an unpublished paper by T.J. Morgan, ‘A papyrus of Babrius and the social functions of fable’, delivered at the XXII Congresso intemazionale di Papirologia, Firenze, 23-29 agosto 1998.

31 As a pedagogical aside, to my knowledge the only forthright imitator of this approach in courses for beginners in Greek this century is Pharr, C., Homeric Greek. A book for beginners (1920; repr. Norman, 1959)Google Scholar.

32 See both Cribiore, R., Writing, teachers, and students in Graeco-Roman Egypt (American Studies in Papyrology 36 [Atlanta 1996]) 46, 49–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and her catalogue at 173-284; and Morgan, , Literate education, 53Google Scholar, and her appendix at 275-87 (lower literacy in Ptolemaic times: 43). A better explanation for the dearth of Homeric quotations on ostraca must be sought than Cribiore's speculation (64) that there was a sense that the verses were ‘too divine’ for this medium. Note also eadem, ‘School papyri and the textual tradition of Homer’, paper delivered at the XXII Congresso intemazionale di Papirologia, Firenze, 23-29 agosto 1998, forthcoming in the Congress acta.

33 These figures are drawn from Morgan, , ‘Teaching Greek literature’, 739–40Google Scholar; eadem, Literate education, 106-08, and tables 11, 12, 20, and 21 on pp. 308-09, and 320Google Scholar. The total of 97 Homer school texts is given at ibid., 69, but tables 11 + 12 produce a tally of 100 items. The reason for the disparity is explained at 53-54: a single papyrus may have quotations from different parts of the Iliad. The disparity is of little moment since the number of published Homeric school texts on papyrus has probably already passed the century mark since LDAB and Morgan's 1998 book appeared. Note also Cribiore, , ‘A Homeric writing exercise and reading Homer in school’, Tyche 9 (1994) 1–8Google Scholar, dealing in part with the reasons for the selection of certain passages of Homer for reading in schools. All the scholia minora in Cribiore, cat. nos. 325-43 are Homeric: only one of them relates to the Odyssey.

34 Cf. Morgan, , Literate education, 44–45Google Scholar.

35 These two factors are the explicit reasons given to pupils in [Plutarch], de Homero B 1 for the use of Homer as the first text to be encountered by school. Recent editions: Kindstrand, J.F., [Plutarch], de Homero (Leipzig 1990)Google Scholar; Keaney, J.J./Lamberton, R. (eds.), [Plutarch], Essay on the life and poetry of Homer (American Classical Studies 40 [Atlanta 1996])Google Scholar.

36 E.g., Cribiore, cat. nos. 194-97; Morgan, , Literate education, 72, 120–51Google Scholar.

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39 Gigante, M., Civiltà delle forme letterarie nell’ antica Pompei (Naples 1979) 163-83, esp. 169, 172Google Scholar. Cf. Harris, , Ancient Literacy, 261Google Scholar; Morgan, , Literate education, 106Google Scholar.

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42 Harris, , Ancient Literacy, 241Google Scholar. Cribiore, Writing, teachers, and students, regards the presence of post-elementary grammatikoi in Egypt outside Alexandria, Oxyrhynchos, and Hermopolis as ‘extremely unlikely’ (21). See ibid. 13-26, on the differing status of the grammalodidaskalos and the grammatikos.

43 Hall, A./Milner, N.P., ‘Education and athletics. Documents illustrating the festivals at Oenoanda’, in French, D.H. (ed.), Studies in the history and topography of Lycia and Pisidia. In memoriam A.S. Hall (BIAA Monograph 19 [London 1994]) 6–47Google Scholar.

44 The line numbering given here is slightly different from that in ed. pr., which reckons by the number of verses in the text. A small number of minor changes are also made to the orthography of the text from that printed by Hall/Milner. It is noteworthy that the lettering styles of this group of inscriptions are much more akin to what we expect to find in the first century than in the third, to which they undoubtedly belong.

45 Full edition in P.Coll.Youtie 66, with rich commentary by P.J. Parsons, pp. 409-46; cf. the succinct observations of E.A. Judge in Horsley, G.H.R., New Docs. 1.72–78Google Scholar. Text repr. as P.Oxy. 47.3366Google Scholar. For a list of grammatikoi in the papyri, see Cribiore, Writing, teachers, and students, 167-69.

46 The main text for this foundation, I. OinoandaW, is edited with extensive commentary by Wörrle, M.. Further inscriptions: Hall/Milner, ‘Education and athletics’, 30–31, nos. 19, 20Google Scholar. It was unusual for athletics to be excluded from such festivals—cf. Jones, C.P., ‘A new Lycian dossier establishing an artistic contest and festival in the reign of Hadrian’, JRA 3 (1990) 484–88, at 487-88Google Scholar—but they were included later. See further Mitchell, S., ‘Festivals, Games, and civic life in Roman Asia Minor’, JRS 80 (1990) 183–93Google Scholar (includes ET of the long text); Rogers, G.M., ‘Demosthenes of Oenoanda and models of euergetism,’ JRS 81 (1991) 91–100Google Scholar. On Demosthenes and his family see Milner, N.P./Mitchell, S., ‘An exedra for Demosthenes of Oenoanda and his relatives,’ AS 45 (1995) 91–104Google Scholar.

47 Both inscriptions from Tyre are to be dated A.D. III or IV. The first is J.TyrEpit. 1.150Google Scholar. The second was first published in the same volume as no. 149A/B, but its text has been improved by re-editing: see SEG 27.998Google Scholar. Epitaphs for the prematurely dead: I.PaidesEpit.

48 Hall, /Milner, , ‘Education and athletics,’ 35Google Scholar acknowledge that such a scenario is speculative.

49 For recent editions see n. 35 above. The suggestion about the kind of person who may have been the author is put forward by Keaney/Lamberton, 9.

50 I.OinoandaDiog. New finds since that volume appeared in 1993 continue to add to our knowledge of this archive of texts.

51 Coulton, J.J./Milner, N.P./Reyes, A.T., ‘Balboura survey: Onesimos and Meleager, II’, AS 39 (1989) 41–62Google Scholar; of the inscriptions at 49-61, no. 2 (53-55) is the crucial one, indicating imperial endorsement for the initiative. Honours for wrestlers: Milner, N.P., ‘Victors in the Meleagriaand the Balbouran elite,’ AS 41 (1991) 23–62Google Scholar.

52 Hall, /Milner, , ‘Education and athletics,’ 32–35 nos. 22, 23Google Scholar.

53 Nos. 268, 440, 480, 499, 516, 536, 548, 550, 584, 590, 689, 700, 723, 798, 810, 817, 847, 922. Add Íplikçioğlu, B.et al., Epigraphische Forschungen in Termessos und seinem Territorium, 1 (Öst. Akad. der Wiss., ph.-hist. Kl., Sitzungsb. 575 [Vienna 1991])Google Scholar—l.TermessosSuppl. 1—no. 22 (epigram for a pet dog named Stephanos; after A.D. 212). This last item is repr. in id., ‘Epigraphische Forschungen im antiken Termessos und seinem Territorium,’ TAMSuppl. 14 (Vienna 1993) 255-63, at 260-62.

54 Nos. 66, 77, 102, 103, 127, 135, 138.

55 Nos. 18, 33, 907 = 908 (two copies of the same text).

56 Nos. 34, 35, both in trimeters.

57 For analysis of the repetition of the same poetic wording in inscriptions from widely distant locations over several centuries which leads to such a conclusion see Drew-Bear, T., ‘A metrical epitaph from Phrygia,’ in Bowersock, G.W.et al. (eds.), Arktouros. Hellenic Studies presented to B.M. W. Knox on the occasion of his 65th birthday (Berlin 1979) 308–16Google Scholar. Cf. New Docs 4.29, 40–41Google Scholar. More generally: Lattimore, R.A., Themes in Greek and Latin epitaphs (Urbana 1962) 17–20Google Scholar.

58 Stratonikeia: Pfuhl, /Möbius, , 2.2112Google Scholar. Tyana: SEG 27 (1977) 956Google Scholar. I.Hadrianoi 120. Ankara: SEG 27 (1977) 847Google Scholar.

59 Peek, W., I.As.Min.Vers 38–43Google Scholar, offers restorations on one from Antioch, one from Apollonia, two from Kibyra, the duplicate pair from Termessos (see. n. 55 above), and one from the border with Phrygia.

60 Horsley, /Mitchell, , I.Pisid.Cen. 32Google Scholar. For discussion of the lettering styles of this inscrip- tion, which vary between the prose and the verse sections, see Roueché, C., ‘Benefactors in the late Roman period: the Eastern empire,’ in Congr.Epig. 10, 353-68, at 361Google Scholar. J. Nollé is preparing an edition of the dice and alphabetical oracles from the region; for the present see id., ‘Sudkleinasiatische Losorakel in der römischen Kaiserzeit,’ AW 18.3 (1987) 41-49. The Kremna dice oracle appears in I.Pisid.Cen. as no. 5, and an alphabetical oracle from Kocaaliler as no. 159. What these texts may have to tell us about acquaintance with high literature and advanced education may be a little different from the other verse texts being considered here.

61 Phonetic spelling need not be a mark of lack of educational attainment in antiquity. Yet it is observable that much more care was often taken with orthography when poems were being inscribed. A case in point is provided by the two words and . These words are distinct, though similar in meaning. All examples of are poetic (there is one possible exception), implying that writers of poetry (who were by this very fact well educated) maintained a consciousness of the distinction. I owe this observation to John A.L. Lee; cf. Lee, /Horsley, , ‘A lexicon of the New Testament with documentary parallels, 2’ FilolNT 11 (1998 [1999]) 57-84, at 83Google Scholar.

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63 Corsten, T./Drew-Bear, T./Özsait, M., ‘Forschungen in der Kibyratis,’ EA 30 (1998 [1999]) 47-80, at 65–70 no. 12 (pil. 21-22)Google Scholar. I am grateful to Dr Corsten for providing me with a copy of this text in advance of publication.

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65 Cf. Daly, L.W., ‘Roman study abroad,’ AJP 71 (1950) 40–58Google Scholar.

66 Kugener, M.-A., Zacharie le Scholastique: vie de Sévère (Patrologia Orientalis 2.1 [Paris 1907]) 10–12Google Scholar, fol. 109vb- 110rb.

67 Cf. Woolf, G., ‘Becoming Roman, staying Greek: culture, identity and the civilizing process in the Roman East,’ PCPhS 40 (1994) 116–43Google Scholar.

68 Kindstrand, J.F., Homer in der Zweiten Sophistik (Studia Graeca Upsaliensia 7 [Uppsala 1973])Google Scholar analyses what knowledge of Homer the last three of these writers possessed. What is somewhat surprising is that even at this level of erudition not all the literary elite may have had first-hand acquaintance with the Odyssey in its entirety.

69 Nikanor: Jones, C.P., “Three foreigners in Attica,’ Phoenix 32 (1978) 222–34, at 222-28CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Paion: ISideBean 107.11Google Scholar, On this man see Bowie, E.L., ‘Greek poetry in the Antonine age,’ in Russell, D.A. (ed.), Antonine Literature (Oxford 1990) 53-90, at 65–66Google Scholar, where he is described as ‘a professional [poet] rather than a dabbling member of the upper classes’. In a Christian adaptation of this style of flattery, an epitaph from later fourth- century Jerusalem for Sophia the diakonos calls her ‘the second Phoibe’. See Horsley, , New Docs 4.239–44 no. 122Google Scholar.

70 Isager, S., ‘The pride of Halikarnassos,’ ZPE 123 (1998) 1–23Google Scholar; cf. Lloyd-Jones, H., “The pride of Halicarnassus,’ ZPE 124 (1999) 1–14, at 10-11Google Scholar. The quotation occurs in col. 2, l. 43.

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72 ‘Colonia Caesarea (Pisidian Antioch) in the Augustan age,’ JRS 6 (1916) 83-134, at 90–93Google Scholar.

73 The argument for a connection between the two men is developed with due caution by Dessau, H., ‘Ein Amtsgenossene des Dichters Horatius in Antiochia Pisidiae,’ in Buckler, W.H./Calder, W.M. (edd.), Anatolian Studies presented to Sir WM. Ramsay (Manchester 1923) 135–38Google Scholar. Rightly disagreeing with Ramsay, Dessau holds that to act as a clerk in the office of the quaestor of the colony was too lowly a role for a veteran who was one of the first settlers at Antioch under the Augustan initiative; accordingly, he places this element in Pomponius' cursus back during his time in Rome. Cf. Fraenkel, E., Horace (Oxford 1957) 14–15Google Scholar.

74 Laminger-Pascher, G., ‘Sprachwandel und antikes Schulwesen,’ AAWW 130 (1993 [1994]) 41–50, at 45Google Scholar.

75 Burdur Museum, inv. no. 23.43.88; provenance within Pisidia unknown. Unpublished; to be presented more fully elsewhere.

76 Pouilloux, J., ‘Une nouvelle inscription grecque à Lyon, III. Le texte,’ JS (1975) 58-75Google Scholar; Guarducci, M., ‘Il missionario di Lione,’ MEFRA 88 (1976) 843–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jones, C.P., ‘A Syrian in Lyon,’ AJP 99 (1978) 336–53Google Scholar; id., ‘L'inscription grecque de Saint-Just,’ in Le martyres de Lyon. Colloque international du CNRS 575, Lyon, 20-23 sept. 1977 (Paris 1978) 119-27; Guarducci, 4.494-98; New Does 1.68–69Google Scholar, noting the marked divergence of views on the date.

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78 Cf. Judge, E.A., The Conversion of Rome: ancient sources of modern social tensions (Sydney 1980)Google Scholar, with earlier bibliography.

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81 Lefkowitz/Fant, 167 no. 216.

82 Rome: IG XIV. 1976Google Scholar, with the comments in New Docs 4.35–37Google Scholar. Tomis: SEG 27 (1977) 404Google Scholar.

83 Sheridan, J.A., ‘Women without guardians: an updated list,’ BASP 33 (1996) 117–31Google Scholar. The period covered is late A.D. I to early VII.

84 Examples of recent work on the impact of Homer in other periods and cultures include Ford, P., ‘Jean Dorat and the reception of Homer in Renaissance France,’ International Journal of the Classical Tradition 2 (1995) 265–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sowerby, R., ‘Early humanist failure with Homer, I, II’, International Journal of the Classical Tradition 4 (1997) 37-63, 165–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar (on the general depreciation of Homer in favour of Virgil among Renaissance readers); G. Lohse, ‘Die Homerrezeption im “Sturm und Drang” und deutscher Nationalismus im 18. Jahrhundert,’ ibid., 195-231. The Reader has drawn my attention to the essay by Zeitlin, F.I., ‘Visions and revisions of Homer,’ in Goldhill, S. (ed.), Being Greek under Rome. Cultural identity, the Second Sophistic, and the development of Empire (forthcoming: Cambridge 2001)Google Scholar—non vidi.