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In the Shadow of history: the emergence of archaeology

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 September 2013

Chryssoula Saatsoglou-Paliadeli
Chryssoula Saatsoglou-Paliadeli
Affiliation:
Aristotle University, Thessaloniki
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Abstract

This article reconsiders from a methodological point of view some of the ways in which the ancient Macedonians and their culture have been assessed by recent historians. It is inspired by Professor E. N. Borza's book on this issue, where archaeological material is widely used in ways which do not always accord with the data or their interpretation. It has to be noted that the article is focused only on the evidence deriving from Vergina, a site of which the author has a direct knowledge, due to participation in its archaeological research over a long period.

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Articles
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Annual of the British School at Athens , Volume 94 , November 1999 , pp. 353 - 367
Copyright
Copyright © The Council, British School at Athens 1999

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References

1 I am very much indebted to Professor N. G. L. Hammond for his advice. Dr M. Hatzopoulos for his support, and Dr C. B. Mee tor his editorial interest. The following abbreviations are used:

AEMTh = To Αρχαιολοϒικό Ἐρϒο στη Μακεδονία και Θρύκη (1987···).

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2 Andronicos 1984 (passim).

3 On the recent attempt by Faklaris, P.. ‘Aegae: determining the site of the first capital of the Macedonians’. AJA 98 (1994). 609–16Google Scholar. to identify the site with Valla. see Hammond, N. G. L.. ‘The location of Aegae’. JHS 117 1997. 177–9Google Scholar. Hatzopoulos, M.. ‘Aigeai: la localisation de la première capitale macédonienne’. REG 109 (1996). 264–9Google Scholar. and Paliadeli, C. Saatsoglou. ‘Aegae: a reconsideration’. AM III (1996). 225–35Google Scholar).

4 The main evidence for the early period comes from the excavation of the cemetery.

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7 Hammond, N. G. L.. ‘The archaeological background to the Macedonian kingdom’. Ancient Macedonia, i (Thessaloniki. 1970). 53–67. esp. 65–6Google Scholar: id.A History of Macedonia, i (Oxford. 1972). 153–8: Andronkos, M.. Ἁνασκαϕή στη Μεϒάλη Τούμπα τηϛ Βερϒίναϛ᾽. AAA 9 (1976). 123–9Google Scholar. See also above, n. 3.

8 Andronicos 1984. passim.

9 Heermann, V.. Studien zur makedonischen Palastarchitektur (Erlangen. 1986). 239 ffGoogle Scholar. Kunze, C.. ‘Die Skulpturenausstattung hellenistischer Paläste’. in Hoepfner, W. and Brands, G. (eds). Basileia: Die Paläste der hellenistischen Könige (Berlin. 1994). 109–29. esp. 120 ffGoogle Scholar.

10 Bakalakis, G. and Andronicos, M.. A. Delt. 25 (1970). Chr. 394Google Scholar. Andronicos 1984. 28 and 42. Heermann (n. 9). 253. Soon to be published by the author of this article.

11 Hammond, N. G. L.. The Macedonian State: Origins Institutions and History (Oxford. 1989). 17–18Google Scholar: Errington, R. M.. Geschichte Makedoniens (Munich. 1986). 122–3Google Scholar.

12 Kunze (n. 9). 121 identifies the circular room of the palace with the place where the private worship of the ancestral god took place.

13 E. Badian. ‘Eurydice’. in Adams Borza (n. 6). 99–110.

14 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli, C.. To ῾Το ιερό τηϛ Ευκλείαϛ στη Βερϒίνα᾽. AEMTh 10 (1996). 55–68Google Scholar figs. 1–3. with full bibliography.

15 Ead., Ἑὐρυδίκα Σίρρα Εὐκλεία᾽. in Ἑὐρυδίκα Σίρρα Εὐκλεία᾽Αμητόϛ: Τιμητικόϛ Τόμοϛ ϒια τον Καθηϒητή Μανόλη Ανδρόνικο (Thessaloniki. 1987). 733–44Google Scholar: ead., Ἑὐρυδίκα Σίρρα Εὐκλεία᾽Αμητόϛ: Τιμητικόϛ Τόμοϛ ϒια τον Καθηϒητή Μανόλη Ανδρόνικο῾Βερϒίνα 1990. ΑνασκαΦή στο ιερό τηϛ Ευκλείαϛ᾽ AEMTh 4 (1990), 21–34 figs. 1–12: Borza 1990. 192–3Google Scholar.

16 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli, C.. ΑνασκαΦή στο ιερό τηϛ Ευκλείαϛ᾽῾ΣκέΨειϛ με αΦορμή έναεύρημα από τα Παλατίτσια᾽ Ancient Macedonia, vi (Thessaloniki. 1993). 1333–71Google Scholar.

17 The palace is usually dated to Cassander's times, on uncertain, mainly stylistic data: D. Pantermalis. Ἡ κεράμωση του ανακτόρου τηϛ Βερϒίναϛ᾽. in Ἡ κεράμωση του ανακτόρου τηϛ Βερϒίναϛ᾽Αμητόϛ (n. 15). 579–605. pls. 112–18: Tounitsoglou, I.. Μακεδονία. Ιστορία–Μνημεία Μουσεία (Athens. 1997). 218Google Scholar. dates it to the third quarter of the 4th c. BC. Future investigation may prove him right.

18 M. Andronicos et al.. ἉνασκαΦή Βερϒίναϛ᾽. Ergon, 1987. 44–63 figs. 39–44; id., ἉνασκαΦή Βερϒίναϛ᾽. PAE 1987 (1991). 126–8: id., ῾Βερϒίνα 1988. ΑνασκαΦή στο νεκροταΦείο᾽. AEMTh 1 (1987). 81–2 figs. 1–6: id., ῾Βερϒίνα 1988. ΑνασκαΦή στο νεκροταΦείο στα ΒΔ τηϛ αρχαίαϛπόληϛ᾽. AEMTh 2 (1988). 1–3 figs. 1–3. Kottaridou, A.. AEMTh 3 (1989). 1–11 figs. 1–12Google Scholar.

19 Androinkos, M.. ‘Vergina. The prehistoric necropolis and the Hellenistic palace’. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 12 (1964). 5Google Scholar: id., Βερϒίνα. i: Τὸ νεκροταΦεῖον τῶν τύμβων (Athens, 1969), 4.

20 Hammond, N. G. L. and Griffith, A. G.. A History of Macedonia, ii (Oxford. 1979). 53–8Google Scholar. Cf. Borza 88–9.

21 Sindos: Despini, A., Vokotoponlou, I., Misailidou, V., and Tiverios, M.. Sindos: A Catalogue of the Exhibition (Athens. 1985Google Scholar). Aiane: Karamitroti-Mentesidi, G.. Aiane of Kozani: An Archaeological Guide (Thessaloniki. 1989)Google Scholar: ead., Ἡ νεκρόπολη τηϛ Αιανήϛ Κοξάνηϛ᾽ AEMTh 2 (1988Google Scholar). 19–25 figs. 1–6: ead., ᾉπό την ανασκαΦική έρευνα στην Αιανή AEMTh 3 (1989). 45–57Google Scholar figs. 1–15: ead., ἉνασκαΦή Αιανήϛ᾽ AEMTh 4 (1990). 75–83 figs. 1–25Google Scholar.

22 Filow, B. D.. Die archaische Nekropolis von Trebenschte (Sofia. 1929). 97–108Google Scholar points out the Greek style of the rich artefacts and attributes them to Greek soldiers. Their similarity with the Archaic finds from Aiane. Sindos. and Vergina supports their connection with the Macedonians.

23 Andronicos, M.. ῾Πρώτεϛ σκέΨειϛ ϒια τα τελευταία ευρήματα τηϛ Βερϒίναϛ᾽, Θρακική Επετηρίϛ. 7 (1987–1990). 25–34, esp. 34Google Scholar.

24 Borza 91.

25 Ibid. 90.

26 Ibid. 97.

27 Kingsley, B. M.. ‘The cap that survived Alexander’ AJA 85 (1981). 39–46 and pl. 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

28 Ibid. 40 ff.

29 Ead., ‘The Kausia Diadematophoros’. AJA 88 1984. 67–8Google Scholar with n. 23.

30 For the dubious validity of the argumentum e silentso in archaeology see M. Andronicos. ‘Argumentum e silentio’ (n. 6); id., Ἁρχαιολοϒία και Ιστορία᾽ (n. 6).

31 Friedricksmeyer, E. A.. TAPA 116 (1986). 215–27Google Scholar.

32 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli, C.. ‘Aspects of ancient Macedonian costume’. JHS 113 (1993). 122–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar pls. 1–4.

33 Friedricksmeyer (n. 31); Saatsoglou-Paliadeli (n. 32).

34 Friedricksmeyer (n. 31). 226: Saatsoglou-Paliadeli (n. 32), 142 nn. 207–8.

35 Lehmann, P., ‘The so-called Tomb of Philip II: a different interpretation’. AJA 84 (1980), 527 ff.Google Scholar: ead., ‘The so called Tomb of Philip II: an addendum’, AJA 86 (1982). 437 ff.Google Scholar; ead. AAA 13 (1980). 168–78Google Scholar; ead., ‘Once again the royal tomb at Vergina’, AAA 14 (1981). 134–44Google Scholar: Borza 262: Faklaris (n. 3). 616 n. 61.

36 Miller (n. 6). 2–4.

37 Andronicos, M., ‘Some reflections on the Macedonian tombs’, BSA 82 (1987), 1–16Google Scholar.

38 Id.et al.. ἉνασκαΦἠ Βερϒίναϛ᾽. PAE 1987 (1991). 126–48. esp. 131: id., ῾Βερϒίνα: ΑνασκαΦή 1987'. AEMTh 1 (1987). 81–8 figs. 7–11: Miller (n. 36). 115 no. 33F (with full bibliography).

39 Andronicos (n. 38). 83: sherds of the Elcusinian Painter and a sherd of a Panathenaic amphora preserving the name of the eponymous archon of 344 BC. date the tomb to the late 340S.

40 Dr S. Drougou dales the ceramics of the tomb to the third quarter of the 4th c. BC. Their forthcoming publication will eventually put an end to the controversy about the owner of the monument (sec n. 6). Similarly. Faklaris, P.. Τα όπλα των μακεδονικών τάΦων τηϛ Μεϒάληϛ Τούμπαϛ στη Βερϒίνα (Thessalonoki. 1994Google Scholar). has dated all the arms and weapons of the tomb to the same period. P. Themelis and I. Touratsoglou. Οι τάΦοι του Δερβενίου (1997) have recently dated the tombs at Derveni to the late 4th c. BC on stylistic criteria, a rather strict use of the numismatic evidence dating from 340/336 to 328/323 BC. and on the dogma about the abundant How of money into Macedonia, after Alexander's campaign to the East. The recent study of the hunt decorating the façade of Tomb II at Vergina (C. Saatsogiou-Paliadeli. Thessalomki. 1998) supports the attribution of the tomb to Philip II. for historical reasons difficult to explain if the tomb is to be associated with Philip III. Arrhidaios.

41 Andronicos (n. 37). 13–16

42 Haddad, N.. Θύρεϛ και παράθυρα στην ελληνική καιρωμαïκή αρχιτεκτονική του ελλαδικού χώρου: Thessaloniki. 1995). 32–5Google Scholar.

43 Miller (n. 6). 9 ff. speaks of ‘some inconsistencies and deviations from the architectural form’. which are. however, easily explained as deriving from the non-structural function of the façade for the stability of a vaulted tomb.

44 Fedak, J.. Monumental Tombs of the Hellenistic Age: A Study of Selected Tombs from the Pre-Classical to the Early Imperial Era (Toronto. 1990). 166–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar points out that the widespread use of the true arch in Macedonia should not be surprising: as already noted, the use of the barrel vault was perhaps known even before Macedonian military engineers became thoroughly acquainted with the technique during Alexander's eastern campaign. In the Aegean world early examples of barrel vaulting seem to be restricted to tombs, gate openings, passageways, and drainage systems. Only after an initial period of experimentation, in which technical aspects ol vaulting became better known, did it find a more widespread acceptance and even the arches and vaults never replaced the columnar orders on monumental façades’. His remarks coincide completely with Andronicos's suggestions (n. 37) on the creation and the evolution of the Macedonian type of tomb.

45 Borza 273–4 nn. 58–60.

46 Fedak (n. 44). 109. which Borza quotes, remarks that ‘the reason for building most of the tombs in Macedonia underground are obscure: probably religious beliefs and customs were the main factors’. Obviously the same factors and beliefs which reigned over all other underground burials throughout Greece in antiquity.

47 Miller (n. 36). 4–6.

48 Fedak (n. 44), 166–7.

49 Borza 271.

50 For the use of colour in ancient Greek architecture and sculpture see any relevant handbook, such as Boardman, J.. Greek Sculpture: The Archaic Period (London. 1978Google Scholar). fig. 177; id., Greek Sculpture: The Classical Period (London. 1985). 11 (pedimental sculpture). 103 (metopes). 106 (frieze): Robertson, D. S.. A Handbook of Greek and Roman Architecture (Cambridge. 1964). 50 and 349Google Scholar with relevant literature: Lawrence, A. W.. Greek and Roman Sculpture (London. 1972). 33–5Google Scholar: id., Greek Architecture (London. 19672), passim: Riehter, G. M. A., The Sculpture and Sculptors of the Greeks (New Haven. 1950). 148–38Google Scholar.

51 Overbeck. SQ 1811 = Pliny, . HN xxxv. 133Google Scholar: ‘Nicias. de quo dicebat Praxiteles interrogatus. quae maxime opera sua probaret in marmonbus: quibus Nicias manum admovisset: tantum curculitione eius tribuebat.

52 Borza 255.

53 Heuzey, L. and Daumet, H., Mission archéologique de Macédoine (Pans. 1876). 179 ffGoogle Scholar. interpreted the building as a prytanée royal. Andronicos, M. et al. Το ανάκτορον τηϛ Βερϒίναϛ (Athens. 1961). 1 ffGoogle Scholar. thought that it could be interpreted as a royal resort. The identification of the archaeological site at Vergina with the old capital of the Macedonian kingdom does not leave any doubt about its use as a palace. See now Hocpfner Brands (n. 9). passim.

54 The wedding of Philip Il's daughter Cleopatra to Alexander of Epirus. during the celebration of which Philip was assassinated and buried, is highly indicative for the continuous use of the palace as a royal residence, whenever happy or unhappy occasions demanded their stay at the old capital.

55 C. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli. Ἑὐρυδίκα Σίρρα Εὐκλεία᾽ (n. 15. 733–44: ead. n. 16: ead., Ἑὐρυδίκα Σίρρα Εὐκλεία᾽῾Βερϒίνα᾽ (n. 15) ead. (n. 14).

56 See n. 17. The new epigraphic evidence from the sanctuary of Eucleia implies the existence at Vergina of a palace around the mid-4th c. B C and Philip's assassination at Aegae suggests the existence of a theatre dating from the same period see n. 17.

57 Borza 255–6. For the theatre at Vergina see Drougou, S.. ῾Το αρχαίο θέατρο τηϛ Βερϒίναϛ και ο περιβἀλλωνχώροϛ του᾽. AEMTh 3 (1989). 13–20Google Scholar figs. 1–5.

58 Bieber, M.. The History of the Greek and Roman Theatre (Princeton. 1961). 54–78. esp. 70 ffGoogle Scholar. Robertson (n. 50). 164–9. 334–5.

59 Travlos, J.. Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Athens (London, 1971). 537–9Google Scholar.

60 Diod. Sic. xvi. 91–5.

61 Kolb, F.. Agora und Theater: Volks- und Festversammlung Berlin. 1981). 11–15. 82–3Google Scholar.

62 Borza 95.

63 Ibid. 269.

64 Pantermalis, D.. Dion: The Sacred City of the Macedonians at the Foothills of Olympus (Thessaloniki. 1989)Google Scholar; id., ἉνασκαΦήΔίου 1990'. Εϒνατία. 2 (1990) n. 375–9.

65 C. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli. ῾Βρϒίνα 1990' (n. 15).

66 Ead. (n. 14).

67 Borza 256 seems to have accepted the identification.

68 Lauter, H.. Die Architektur des Hellenismus (Darmstadt. 1986). 64–118Google Scholar. esp. 85–99.

69 See n. 10.

70 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli, C.. ‘Aegae: A Reconsideration’. AM III (1996). 225–35Google Scholar fig. 1: ead., Ἀπόλλωνι Λυκίῳ᾽ (an article on a Hellenistic votive relief from Vergina. soon to appear in a volume dedicated to the memory of I. Vokotopoulou).

71 See n. 65.

72 Drougon, S.. ῾Βερϒίνα 1990–1997. Το ιερό τηϛ Μητέραϛ των Θεών᾽. AEMTh 10 (1996) 41–51Google Scholar figs.1–2.

73 Andronicos, M.. Vergina II: The ‘Tomb of Persephone’ (Athens. 1994Google Scholar).

74 Andronicos 1984. figs. 87. 88–90.

75 Ibid., figs 96 and 94 respectively.

76 Drougou (n. 72). figs. 4–8.

77 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli, C.. ἉνασκαΦή στην περιοχή του Ιερού τηϛ Ευκλείαϛ στη Βερϒίνα᾽. AEMTh 1 (1987). 107Google Scholar fig. 1: ead., ῾Βρϒίνα 1993. ἉνασκαΦή στο Ιερό τηϛ Ευκλείαϛ᾽. AEMTh. 7 (1993). 59 fig. 1Google Scholar.

78 Borza 89.

79 Ibid. 95.

80 e.g. the golden masks from the Sindos cemetery. See n. 21.

81 Borza 95.

82 Rhomaios, K.. Ο μακεδονικόϛ τάΦοϛ τηϛ Βερϒίναϛ (Athens. 1951Google Scholar): Andronicos 1984. 31–5 fig. 11: Miller (n. 35) 113–14 no. 33A. with full bibliography.

83 Borza 274.

84 See n. 19.

85 See n. 38 and Miller (n. 35). 115 no. 33F with full bibliography.

86 See n. 83.

87 Faklaris, P.. ῾Βερϒίνα Ο οχυωτικόϛ και η ακροπόλη᾽. AEMTh 10 (1996). 69–78Google Scholar (full bibliography p. 69 n. 2): Faklaris. who is responsible for the exploration of the city walls, has hitherto mainly restricted his activity to the acropolis of the site. A strong indication that the northern branch of the cits walls did not include the Archaic tombs. ‘Eurydice's tomb’, and ‘Rhomaios' tomb’ is based on the uncovering of a long and wide pile of stones, running in the expected direction (E W) and most probably belonging to the filling of a strong fortification wall.

88 Borza 92.

89 LSJ s.vv. ἀττικιστί, λακωνί.

90 Borza 93.

91 Kalleris, J.. Les anciens Macédoniens. i (Athens, 1954). 53–288Google Scholar: ii (Athens. 1976). 329–531. Cf. Borza 91 n. 27 on Kalleris' ‘Greek position’.

92 Panayotou, A.. Τλωσσικέϛ παρατηρήειϛ σεμακεδονικέϛ επιραΦέϛ᾽. Ancient Macedonia, iv (Thessaloniki. 1986). 413–29Google Scholar; Brixhe, C. and Panayotou, A.. ‘L'atticisation de la Macédoine: l'une des sources de la koiné’. Verbum, 11 (1988), 254–20Google Scholar; eid., ‘Le macédonien’. in Bader, F. (ed.), Langues indo-européens (Paris. 1994). 205–19Google Scholar.

93 Borza 93.

94 Fedak (n. 44).

95 A rare exception is represented by the Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles. where inscriptions were placed above the loculi prepared for the multiple burials of the funerary chamber: Miller (n. 35). 30 1.79–92.

96 Paliadeli 1984.

97 Paliadeli 1984. 44–54 no. 3 and pls. 8 11: 71–9 no. 6 and pls. 15–19: 165–9 no. 22 and pls. 45–46: 192–6 no. 26 and pl. 50.

98 Clairmont, C.. Gravestone and Epigram (Mainz. 1970Google Scholar).

99 Paliadeli 1984. 267: the only exception is preserved on no. 39 (pp. 214–16 and pl. 62). where the ethnic Ἀρϒεῖοϛ is inscribed.

100 For one possible exception, where Παϒκάστα. who erected the gravestone, may be identified with the famous concubine ot the Macedonian court sec Paliadeli 1984. 192 ff. no. 26 and pl. 50: ead., ῾ΣκέΨειϛ με αΦορμή δύο ονόματα από τη Βερϒίνα᾽. HOROS. 1994 (in press).

101 Kalleris (n. 91). 20–1: Borza 170–1.

102 Kalleris (n. 91). 289–325: Andronicos 1984. 57–8: Saatsoglou-Paliadeli (n. 97). 266–8. Cf. Borza 91 n. 29.

103 Andronicos 1984. 58; Paliadeli 1984. 267.

104 Paliadeli 1984. 270 nn. 774–7 s.v. Αμάδωκοϛ.

105 Detschew, D.. Die thrakischen Sprachreste (Vienna. 1957). 15 ffGoogle Scholar.

106 Paliadeli 1984, 165 ff. (esp. 167–8) no. 22 and pls. 45–6.

107 Ibid. 209 ff. no. 35 and pl. 58: 283 nn. 1002–5 s.v. Σίλλιϛ. A possible origin from the Greek σιλλόϛ (LSJ s.v.) should not be excluded.

108 Ibid. 1984. 269 ff. s.v. and 287.

109 Ibid. 1984. 269 ff. s.v. and 287.

110 Ibid. 1984. 269 ff. s.v. and 287.

111 This fact is not affected by the somewhat unexpected suggestion at Borza 91–2 n. 29 that ‘the hellenization of the Macedonians might have occurred earlier than the age of Philip and Alexander, and cannot therefore serve as a means of proving that the Macedonians were a Greek tribe’.

112 Paliadeli 1984. 272 nn. 809 819a s.v. ΒΙΛΑΡΡΑ: ef. Hatzopoulos, M.. ‘῾Βιλάρρα Τέλλου?.’ ZPE 68 (1987). 237–40Google Scholar and pl. 13 c. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli, C.. ‘ΒΙΛΑΡΡΑΤΕΛΛΟ[Υ]’. ZPE 72 (1988). 111–12Google Scholar and pl. 10 a–c: ead., HOROS. 1994 (in press:, where the same name is further approached as an example of the Archaic digamma replaced with beta (῾Βιλάρρα Τέλλου = Ƒιλάρρα). according to a well known phenomenon of the Doric dialects, best represented on the roof-tiles from the Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta.

113 Paliadeli 1984. 278 ff. nn. 927–35 s.v. ΚΥΤΑΣ ead., HOROS. 1994 (in press), where an alternative reading of the name is suggested, as part of a composite feminine personal name in the genitive (Αρπαλοκύταϛ). which fits the syntax and the context of the epigram.

114 Paliadeli 1984. 280 nn. 943 4 s.v. ΛΥΛΑ. I argue there that this unique name, unattested in any linguistic region, can be explained only as a wrong incision for cither Αὔλα or more probably for Λυδά = Αυδή (Paper—Benseler s.v.).

115 Voutiras, E.. ΔιονυσοΦῶντοϛ ϒάμοι: Marital Life and Magic in Fourth Century Pella (Amsterdam. 1998)Google Scholar: Dubois, L.. ‘Une tablette de malédiction de Pella: s'agit-il du premier texte macédonien?’. REG 108 (1995). 190–7, esp. 196Google Scholar: ‘les données du nonveau texte vont tout à fait dans le sens de l'idée aujourd'hui prédominante qui vent quc le macédonien soit un parler grec et non une langtie indo-européenne sui generis’.

116 Dubois (n. 115). 196: Kalleris (n. 92). 495: Hammond, N. G. L.. ‘Literary evidence for Macedonian Speech’. Histona. 43 (1994). 131–42Google Scholar. See also n. 93.

117 C. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli. ῾Ναῶνεὐστύλων Αποσπασματική επιϒραΦή των κλασικών χρόνων από τηΒερϒίνα᾽. in Inscriptions of Macedonia, 3rd International Symposiumon Macedonia. Thessaloniki 1993 (1996) 100–23 figs.1–5.

118 Borza. p. xii.

119 Ibid.