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Aryballos

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 October 2013

J. D. Beazley
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Extract

This little pot—two and a half inches high, something less across—is said to have been found in Athens (Pls. III, IV, and Figs. 1-2). It is an oil-pot of the shape now known as a round aryballos. Whether an Athenian would have called our vase an aryballos is doubtful: he would have called it a lekythos or lekythion, for an Attic vase of the same shape and period, found in an Athenian grave, bears the legend A sōpodōrou hē lēkythos, ‘the lekythos belongs to Asopodoros.“ But lekythos is a wide term, covering not only that slender vase (in its numerous varieties) to which we usually confine the word; but also the squat, stable version of the same; and the so-called protocorinthian aryballos of the seventh century; and perhaps, at a pinch, even the alabastron.

Type
Research Article
Information
Annual of the British School at Athens , Volume 29 , November 1928 , pp. 187 - 215
Copyright
Copyright © The Council, British School at Athens 1928

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References

page 187 note 1 See below, p. 205, no. 8.

page 187 note 2 λήκυθον τὰ έλαιοδόχα ἀγγεῖα, Suidas.

page 187 note 3 Annali, 1831, Pl. D, 1–2, from Eboli, ‘lachythos’ belonging to Dionysios.

page 187 note 4 B.M. A 1054, from Cumae, ‘leqythos’ belonging to Tataie (Mon. Linc. 22, Pl. 51, 1 and pp. 307–8Google Scholar: Johansen, , Vases sicyoniens, Pl. 15, 5 and p. 16Google Scholar: the inscription only, Walters, , Anc. Pottery, ii. p. 242)Google Scholar. Kretschmer, (Vaseninschriften, p. 3)Google Scholar calls the inscription a verse: I can't scan it, and I doubt if Tataie believed herself to be writing verse.

page 187 note 5 ἀλάβαστοι δέ εἰσι λήκυθοι ὦν οὺκ ἔστι λαβέσθαι διὰ τὴν λειότητα (Suidas: Photius says the same): λήκυθον τὸν τοῦ μύρου ᾿Αττικοὶ καλοῦσιν ἀλάβαστρον (Suidas, s.v. λήκυθον, and Photius). The distinction between aryballos, oil-pot, and alabastron, perfume-pot, seems to hold good. The alabastron is not used by men, but by women for their toilet, or in the service of the dead. One alabastron appears with several aryballoi in a picture of warriors communing with ladies on a cup by Douris in Boston (00.343: Hartwig, Pl. 75), but I take it that the warriors are in the ladies' bower. Though men do not use the alabastron, women may use the aryballos, no less than the strigil, at the bath: amphora by the Andocides painter in the Louvre (Pottier, Vases du Louvre, Pl. 78, F 203); column-krater in Bari (Röm. Mitt. xix. p. 82)Google Scholar; cup by the Boot painter in Goluchow (Gerhard, , A.V. Pl. 295, 5–8Google Scholar, the interior); column-krater by a mannerist in Vienna, inv. 2166; column-krater by the Lamb painter in Dresden (321; see Vases in Poland, p. 57); pyxis, type B, in Berlin (on the lid, Zephyros and Hyakinthos: school of the Meidias painter).

page 188 note 1 Theophrastus 5, 9: Θουριακὰς τῶν στρογγύλων ληκύθους. Cf. κρατὴρ στρόγγυλος in the Delian inventory, Michel, , Recueil, p. 659Google Scholar, and strogia in sigillata graffiti (Bonner Jahrbücher, 1925, p. 86Google Scholar, Oxé).

page 188 note 2 On representations of palms see Jacobsthal, , Ornamente gr. Vasen, pp. 99–104Google Scholar. In archaic red-figure the pinnae are either not indicated at all, or on one side of the rachis only. For palm-leaves like ours we must go back to black-figure (e.g. Chalcidian neck-amphora in the Villa Giulia, Rumpf, Chalkidische Vasen, Pl 119, middle; Attic amphora by Exekias in Boulogne, Pfuhl, Fig. 234, Beazley, A.B.S. Pl. 7). But it must be remembered that there are no other representations of detached palm-branches in fifth-century red-figure. When the palm, in the later part of the fifth century, comes to be used as a symbol of victory (Tarbell, , The Palm of Victory in Classical Philology 3, pp. 264–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Seltman, , Temple Coins of Olympia Pl. 4, γα and γϵ, and pp. 29 and 38Google Scholar) detached branches begin to appear, and of course with pinnae shewn on both sides (e.g. on the fourth-century panathenaic amphora Mon. 10, Pl. 48).

page 188 note 3 See C.V. Oxford, text to Pl. 43, 7; and Rev. arch. 1927, 1, p. 114 (van Hoorn)Google Scholar. Also in tomb-reliefs (Conze, Pl. 194), terracottas (Winter, , Typen, ii. p. 289Google Scholar, 7–8), gems (Furtwängler, , Antike Gemmen, Pl. 65, 37Google Scholar).

page 188 note 4 E.g. Watzinger, , Vasen in Tübingen, Pl. 33, E 129Google Scholar.

page 188 note 5 E.g. Bologna, P.U. 295 (El. cér., ii. Pl. 89, whence, partially, Daremberg and Saglio, p. 1356, Fig. 4633).

page 189 note 1 E.g. Watzinger, , Vasen in Tübingen, Pl. 33, E 122Google Scholar.

page 189 note 2 F.R. iii. p. 87.

page 189 note 3 See Miss Haspels' article.

page 189 note 4 E.g. C.V. Villa Giulia, III. Ic, Pl. 30; Poulsen, Etruskerstadt, Pl. 16.

page 189 note 5 I have let my text stand; but Mr. A. S. F. Gow writes to me as follows:—

‘It is difficult to imagine such little chariots racing in the ordinary sense of the word, for this reason. The body of a two-wheeled vehicle is maintained in position over the axle by the pole, which is supported in an approximately horizontal position by the horses. Remove the horses, and the pole falls forward or the body tips backward, catches on the ground, and brings the wheels to a standstill. The boys are trying, I imagine, to see whose chariot will go furthest in the few moments before this inevitable catastrophe occurs, and the chance or skill of the contest must consist in so launching your chariot as to delay the accident a moment longer than your rival, or (what comes to the same thing) in imparting to the chariot a greater initial speed. The weight of the palm spray will no doubt secure that all the chariots pitch forward and not back, and it is observable that in the chariot first launched the palm is already nearer to the ground than in the second, which is just starting its course. I suggest as a possibility that the palm is substituted for the ordinary pointed pole in order that the spreading fronds may act as a kind of brake and bring the chariot gradually to a standstill, where a pole, by stubbing into the ground, would be liable to upset it. I may add also that if the contest is to be decided only by the distance covered, it will be fairer to start the chariots in succession, not simultaneously, so as to avoid collisions; and that is what the boys are doing.'

page 191 note 1 See A.J.A. 1921, p. 329Google Scholar, and C.V. Oxford, Pl. 45.

page 192 note 1 See below, p. 206.

page 192 note 2 See below, p. 205, no. 2, p. 206, no. 10, p. 210, no. 20.

page 192 note 3 E.g. cup-kotyle by the Amasis painter, Louvre A 479, Pottier, Vases du Louvre, Pl. 18; cup by Apollodoros, B.M. E 57, Keller, , Thiere des cl. Altertums, p. 155Google Scholar; cup, recalling the Briseis painter, Coll. d'ant. 11–14 mai 1903, p. 46Google Scholar.

page 192 note 4 See C.V. Oxford, text to Pl 49, 15.

page 192 note 5 Nos. 41, 43, 44, 54, 66 and 74 in my list of his works, Att. Vas. pp. 203–5.

page 192 note 6 Pyxis in Athens, Acropolis F 40, J.H.S. xiv. Pl. 3, 2: no. 155 in my list: inscriptions (i.e. Μέλιττα, rather than Richards' Μϵλίτη,), . The supplement Makr[on] was suggested by Reisch. Makron always writes Hippodamas with two peis, Douris has thrice two and thrice one.

page 192 note 7 Nos. 4 and 83 in my list, Att. V. pp. 211 and 216.

page 192 note 8 Nos. 69 and 132 in my list: both are fragmentary, and may have been signed.

page 192 note 9 I have given a list of works by Makron and his school in Att. Vas., pp. 211–17 and 474–5 : on the Telephos painter see also Vases in Poland, pp. 38–9 and 80. No. 2 in my Makron list is now published in F. R. 161 and in C.V. B.M. III. 1 c. Pl. 28, 2; no. 53 in C.V. Brussels, Pl. 2, 1; no. 68 in C.V. Oxford, Pls. 2, 4; no. 79, ibid, Pl 49, 10–11; no. 89 in C.V. Villa Giulia, Pl. 30 and Pl. 31, 1–3; no. 108 in Bulletin 'sGravenhage, i. 2, p. 5Google Scholar; no. 122 in Poulsen, Etruskerstadt, Pl 17; no. 154 in C.V. Copenhagen, Pl 139, 3; a detail of no. 161 in Seltman, , Athens, p. 29Google Scholar, Fig. 21; no. 6 of the school-pieces on p. 222 in Mon. Linc. 30, Pl 4. There are photographs of Makron nos. 23, 25, 29, 50, and 52, by Giraudon, of no. 89 by Alinari, 41190. No. 79 will be republished, increased by several fragments formerly in Leipsic, in the second Oxford fascicule of the Corpus. Add to the Makron list cups in Cambridge (C.V. Cambr. Pl. 25, 5, and Pl. 28, 1: hιερον εποιεσεν), Copenhagen (Ny-Carlsberg 34, Poulsen, Etruskerstadt, Pls. 15–16), the London market (Cat. Sotheby, March 14, 1929Google Scholar, Pl. 2, 2, and Pl. 1), and Toronto, (A.J.A. 1928, pp. 38–40Google Scholar: cf. my no. 54 bis); and fragments of cups in Brunswick (58, A, silen: 56, A, youth with flower; and another with. A, maenads), Heidelberg (B 13: B 84 ter: both attributed by Kraiker), Athens (B 37; A, Judgment of Paris), Adria (B 509, I, youth with cock: B 133, I, symposion: B 673, A, head of youth: B 306, I, seated male), Göttingen (A, youth with flower), Dresden (I, part of a head; A, parts of males in himatia), and several in Florence (Campana collection), and in Freiburg: to the school list, cup-fragments in Dresden (A, man leaning on stick), Heidelberg (B 122), Florence (Campana collection. A, men and youths: and 4219, I, Eros), and the Hague (A, youth leaning on stick). Three Macronian cups, in Boston, Copenhagen, Munich, are mentioned in V. A. p. 102 but not in Att. V.: one of these is now published in C. V. Copenhagen, Pl. 140, 2. The mention of a Corneto cup in Att. V. p. 475 is to be deleted. Telephos painter no. 27 seems not to be at Melchet Court.

page 193 note 1 2291: W.V. A, Pl. 5: my no. 4.

page 193 note 2 Hoppin, ii. p. 76; I, Pfuhl, Fig. 443; phot. Giraudon 19043.

page 193 note 3 A.J.A. 1917, Pls. 1–3: Hoppin, ii. pp. 68–9Google Scholar.

page 193 note 4 Poulsen, , Etruskerstadt, Pl. 16Google Scholar.

page 193 note 5 See below, p. 206, nos. 10, 11.

page 193 note 6 This rounding recurs in the stone vases mentioned on p. 211, and something like it on a plastic aryballos which was at one time in Lewes House (see J.H.S. xlix. p. 76Google Scholar), and is now, I find, in New York.

page 193 note 7 Jahn, , Vasensammlung in München, p. xcvii.Google Scholar: Robert in Pauly-Wissowa, s.v.

page 194 note 1 λήκυθος seems to have had the same two senses—‘purse’ as well as ‘oil-pot’—if Harpocration is to be believed (not Photius as Pottier states in Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. lecythus). Pottier may well be right in supposing that the ‘lekythoi’ said to have been eaten by the Athenians during a siege (Plutarch, , Sulla, 12Google Scholar) were leather purses. On leather-‘lekythoi’ see also Watzinger, , Gr. Holzsarkophage, p. 21Google Scholar: he might have quoted the inventory of dedications in the Asklepieion at Athens, Michel, , Recueil, p. 665Google Scholar—λήκυθος σκυτίνη. Cf. also the schol. Theocr. 2,156, quoted by Jahn: ὄλπη κυρίως ἡ δερματίνη λήκυθος.

page 194 note 2 The entry in Et. Mag., and the two in Hesychius, are all corrupt, but have easily been emended. The original entries were ἀρυβαλλίδα λήκυθον Δωριεῖς and ἀρυβαλλίδα λήκυθον Λάκωνες.

page 194 note 3 Ar. Knights, 1094.

page 194 note 4 Boehlau, , Aus ionischen Nekropolen, p. 110Google Scholar; Johansen, , Les vases sicyoniens, p. 103Google Scholar. Dugas would add a third (Délos, x. Pl. 21, 152, and pp. 62–3Google Scholar), but the vase from Delos is Corinthian, not protocorinthian.

Payne points out to me that the shape which is the forerunner of the round aryballos is common in bronze-age Cyprus, and that the origin is Egyptian (von Bissing, Steingefässe, Pl. 5, 18483). One might also mention the vases in the shape of a pomegranate, and the Egyptian originals to which they go back: see Johansen, op. cit. pp. 28–9.

page 195 note 1 See Ath. Mitt. lii, p. 54 (Buschor and von Massow)Google Scholar. The vases classed as Attic in Délos, x. Pl. 43, 586–8Google Scholar, are Laconian. There are two specimens in Oxford, 1923, 207, and 1923, 208. All these are simple: a Laconian aryballos elaborately decorated with patterns and animals is in Corneto.

page 195 note 2 Vase in Cassel (b.f.: sirens: style of Hackl and Sieveking, Pl. 9, nos. 291a and 291b, and Schweitzer, Herakles, Fig. 16). Vase with the signature of Gamedes in London (variant: see below, p. 201).

page 195 note 3 Délos, x. Pl. 55, 79 (Dugas). Kinch, , Vroulia, Pl. 33, P. 4Google Scholar. One in Oxford, 1874. 364 (C.V. Oxford II. D Pl. 1, 19).

page 195 note 4 E.g. C.V. Hague, 1 B c. Pl. 1, 4–5: Annuario 6, p. 270Google Scholar, 4. One in Oxford.

page 195 note 5 By the kind permission of Mr. H. B. Walters: Fig. 3, a: 60. 4–4. 69: height ·060: the body modelled to look like a ripe pomegranate : on the upper part of it a plastic rendering of nine strings, two of which are thought of as passing under the handle (for such fictions see C. V. Oxford, text to Pl. 26). Half the mouth is modern. There is another vase of the same type, from Rhodes, in Carlsruhe (B 2309: height, ·045; twelve strings).

Fig. 3, b: A 1208 (61·4–25·25): height ·036: flat bottom: a single rosette.

The material of both vases is fine, and quality and colour of the surface class them, as Forsdyke observed to me, with pure Greek fayence like the dolphin of Pythes.

page 196 note 1 Fouilles de Delphes, v. p. 92Google Scholar, Fig. 315: Ἐϕ. Ἀρχ. 1910, p. 319Google Scholar, Fig. 42: (rather different) De Ridder, , Bronzes du Louvre, Pl. 102, no. 2918Google Scholar. The Sicilian specimens are from Syracuse and Megara Hyblaea: I owe my knowledge of them to Payne, who will describe them in his Necrocorinthia.

page 196 note 2 Fig. 4: I am indebted to Dr. L. D. Caskey for sending me his drawing and allowing me to publish it. 01·7520: bought in Athens: ht. ·041: on the handle a pattern similar to that on the lip.

page 196 note 3 Thera, ii. p. 116Google Scholar.

page 196 note 4 B.f. amphora in Würzburg, 327 (Gerhard, A.V. Pl. 264, 1–2: Dr. Langlotz kindly examined the original for me): b.f. amphorae by the Amasis painter in New York (06, 1021, 69: Sambon, , Coll. Canessa, Pl. 14 and p. 57Google Scholar) and Munich (1383: F.R. iii. p. 224); b.f. cup-kotyle by the Amasis painter in the Louvre (Pottier, , Vases du Louvre, Pls. 17–18, A 479)Google Scholar; b.f. neck-amphora by the Affecter in Mr. Cecil Torr's collection; b.f. amphora by Exekias in the Vatican (F.R. Pl. 132); b.f. hydria by the Antimenes painter in Leyden (J.H.S. xlvii. Pl. 11Google Scholar, the second aryballos: on the others see below, pp. 202 and 216); amphora by the Andocides painter, Louvre F 203 (Pottier, Pl. 78: the vase much restored, but this part sound); r.f. cup by Oltos (early) in Providence (J.H.S. xlvii. p. 64Google Scholar; A.J.A. 1928, p. 437Google Scholar).

page 197 note 1 Caskey, , A.J.A. 1911, Pl. 7 and p. 294Google Scholar, and Catalogue of Sculpture in Boston, pp. 19–22. Caskey gives the vase an unusual mouth in his restoration, but I think the stone shows the normal disc-mouth.

page 197 note 2 E.g. on the Foundry cup in Berlin (F.R. Pl.135), or on the cup Louvre G 291 (Hartwig, pp. 258–9).

page 197 note 3 Round aryballos in Athens, see below, p. 204, no. 1; cup in Munich, 2613 (J. 803: Jahrbuch, 10, p. 196Google Scholar = J.H.S. xxiii. p. 284Google Scholar); cup in Vienna, Oest. Mus. 321 (Jahrbuch, 6, p. 258Google Scholar: by the Epidromos painter); cup-fragments in Florence, Campana 58; cup in the London market (Cat. Sotheby, March 14, 1929, Pl. 4); cup in Bologna, 362 (Pellegrini V.F. p. 177: wrong in the reproduction; by the painter of the Bonn cup); column-krater in Bari (Röm. Mitt. 19, p. 82Google Scholar); cup in Gotha (F. R. iii. p. 19: see below, p. 223: manner of Euphronios); pointed amphora in Munich (F.R. Pls. 44–5, by the Kleophrades painter); cup in London, E 62, by Makron; cup in the Vatican (phot. Alinari 35834–5: by the Brygos painter); cup-fragments by the Brygos painter in Florence; cup in Munich (A. Z. 1885, Pl. 11: wrong in the reproduction: by Onesimos).

page 197 note 4 For the rendering in its last stage of degeneration see C. V. Oxford, Pl. 25, 9: the dark dot usually represents the mouth of the vase. An earlier stage may be illustrated from a small pelike in London (E 398: Fig. 5), about 440–430 B.C.: the dot represents the orifice of the mouth: above the aryballos, not as the catalogue suggests a hook, but the usual carrying-thong, seen from the side). Earlier still the careful rendering on a cup by the Euaion painter in the Vatican (phot. Alinari 35787: ca. 450 B.C.). Parallel the rendering of oinochoai on vases of latest archaic and of free style (C. V. Louvre, III. 1 d., Pl. 10, 1, Providence painter; ibid. Pl. 7, 2, Niobid painter). A pure top-view of the aryballos (with the mouth in the middle) appears on a cup in the Vatican (phot. Alinari, 35837: Antiphon group: about 480–470 B.C.). There is an isolated foreshortening of the mouth on the Leagros krater in Berlin (F.R. Pl. 157: manner of Euphronios: about 510 B.C.): in the aryballos held by Hegesias, the handle to our left, and the left-hand portions of neck and mouth, as Prof. Zahn kindly tells me, are modern, but the rest ancient.

page 198 note 1 The later bronze aryballoi in our museums are not easy to date, and which of them, if any, are Attic is doubtful. Those of Corinthian shape have been mentioned already, and for the sake of completeness we may add that there is a bronze aryballos of protocorinthian shape in Delphi (Fouilles de Delphes, 5, p. 92, Fig. 314Google Scholar), and that a mould for making such was recently discovered in Aegina (Anzeiger, 1925, pp. 3–7Google Scholar). A bronze aryballos in New York has a mouth something like the Corinthian, but narrower; and instead of a handle, short strings of metal soldered to the shoulder forming eyelets to take the rings or the suspensory chain (Alexander, , Greek Athletics, p. 6, Fig. 2Google Scholar: see below, p. 207; for the handles, cf. glass aryballoi and alabastra, e.g. Mon. Linc. 22, Pl. 90). Two common late types are figured by Miss Bieber in her Cassel catalogue:—a round pot with a foot and a concavesided mouth (Skulpturen in Cassel, Pl. 52, 397, from Madytos: cf. Schroeder, , Sport im Altertum, Pl. 104, 3Google Scholar, in Dresden; and British Museum 68, 1–10. 228, 68, 1–10. 348, and white number 48); and an allied shape, taller, with the lower part of the side flattened, and a pair of handles sometimes added (Cassel, Pl. 52, 395: cf. De Ridder, , Bronzes du Louvre, Pl. 102, no. 2912Google Scholar, and several in the British Museum, one of them with ‘a Roman coin of about 180 A.D.’ let into the bottom). The well-known Roman ampulla from Urdingen, near Dusseldorf, in the British Museum, has two handles and a piriform body (2455: B.M. Guide to Greek and Roman Life,3 p. 113: the previous publication, by Witt, , in Archaeologia, 43 (1871), pp. 250–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar, is not mentioned in the catalogue). An aryballos with two handles and a spherical body nippling at the bottom was found at Zliten in a tomb assigned to the third century A.D. (Africa Italiana i. p. 236Google Scholar). The amphoriskos kind (see below, p. 208) may be illustrated by two silver vases, from Chiusi, in Boston, one with handles, the other without (A.J.A. 1918, p. 264, A and CGoogle Scholar): the shoulder of the first is angular, as in some of the amphoriskoi on Attic stelai (Conze, Pl. 210, 1054). A bronze vase in the British Museum, WT676, may be thought of as a stable, ‘Columbus,’ version of the pointed amphoriskos. For the aryballoi of ‘Attic’ type, see below, p. 212.

page 199 note 1 A good example, Conze, , Att. Grabreliefs, Pl. 273, 1Google Scholar (fourth century).

page 199 note 2 Kotyle, in MrOppenheimer's, Henry collection (J.H.S. xlvii. p. 225)Google Scholar: volute-krater in Munich (F. R. Pl. 90). Also on the popular bell-krater Athens 12237 (N. 1108: Mon. Piot, 13, Pl. 15; Nicole, , Supplément, p. 248Google Scholar; Schröder, , Sport im Altertum, Pl. 105Google Scholar), which is Boeotian—I hope.

page 199 note 3 See below, p. 210.

page 199 note 4 Conze, Pl. 203, no. 1037.

page 199 note 5 See below, pp. 202 and 208.

page 199 note 6 Jahrbuch, 18, Pl. 8 (see also Jahrbuch, 24, pp. 192–3Google Scholar, and Amelung, , Vat. Kat. ii. p. 666Google Scholar, and Pl. 74): this detail shows clearer in Anderson's photograph 1484.

page 199 note 7 Cup by Peithinos in Berlin (Hartwig, Pl. 25), the right-hand aryballos.

page 199 note 8 See C.V., Oxford, text to Pl. 40, 3; and above, p. 198, note 1.

page 199 note 9 I know the fragment from a photograph shewn me by Miss Haspels.

page 200 note 1 Richter, , Handbook of the Classical Collection,2 p. 88Google Scholar.

page 200 note 2 1055 (CC. 669), from Petreza in Attica. Hoppin, , B.f. p. 168Google Scholar. The remarkable neck in Hoppin's picture is due to the routing-out of the background, and so is the torus foot. The fragments in Athens have been put together badly: the sphinx was at the back of the vase (just below the handle with its gorgoneion), and was separated from the main picture by a border of three lines on each side (the ‘fluted columns’ of Collignon). Collignon omits the inscription and mispunctuates the legend on the foot. The reading Kealtes is sound, but I cannot understand the formation of the name. The topside of the mouth has an offset lip.

page 200 note 3 Malerei, p. 262.

page 200 note 4 537: Fairbanks, , Catalogue, i. Pl. 51Google Scholar. Payne has lent me a photograph, which shows that the bottom is not sliced flat, as might appear from the cut-out in the catalogue, but fully rounded; that the mouth flares somewhat; and that the leaf-pattern is as Jahrbuch, 14, p. 161Google Scholar. The drawing of the chequers on the body reminds one of the London kantharos 94. 7–18. 1 (J.H.S. xviii. p. 289Google Scholar and Pls. 16 and 17, 1), which is hardly later than 550.

A two-handled aryballos earlier than ours is the plastic janiform vase from Rhodes in the British Museum (Poulsen, , Orient, p. 99Google Scholar, Fig. 103: Maximova, Pl. 31, 115), which recalls the Naxian Sphinx or the bronze woman from Ephesus (Ephesus, Pl. 14), and must belong to the early part of the sixth century.

page 201 note 1 Pellegrini, , V.P.U. pp, 56–7Google Scholar, no. 322; Studniczka, , Artemis und Iphigenie, p. 54Google Scholar: Herakles and the Amazons; on the bottom, a design of palmettes.

page 201 note 2 I judge from Pellegrini's sketch: in his text he calls them pilaster-like, which might point to a thinner handle, as in the aryballos signed by the Boeotian Gamedes (London, A 189: Walters, , Ancient Pottery, Pl. 17, 6Google Scholar: De Witte's drawing of the Gamedes, B.C.H. 1878, p. 549Google Scholar, reproduced in W.V. 1888, Pl. 1, 5, and Hoppin, , B.f. p. 17Google Scholar, gives the handle wrong: it is straight, and in section almost square, resembling the Attic type of handle to which we shall come presently: Hoppin places Gamedes in the seventh century, but he belongs to the sixth). In any case there must be something wrong with Pellegrini's drawing, for the inner upright of one or the other handle ought to reach the lip.

page 201 note 3 Jahrbuch, 10, Pl. 4.

page 201 note 4 Malerei, p. 415.

page 201 note 5 No. 10 in my list of the Menon painter's works, J.H.S. xlvii. p. 92, no. 10Google Scholar: on the painter see also A. B. S. p. 25, B.S.R. xi. p. 10Google Scholar, and Smith, , New Aspects of the Menon Painter, esp. pp. 7–8Google Scholar.

Pottier, (Mon. Piot, 13, p. 163Google Scholar), comparing the Bologna vase with the signed kantharos in Brussels, wished to assign it to the workshop of Douris. I should not allude to this attribution, which must long ago have been abandoned by its perpetrator, were it not that by a curious coincidence the same idea has occurred—independently, for he acknowledges no indebtedness—to Gábrici, (Mon. Linc. 22, p. 515)Google Scholar: I quote the original Italian (and German): ‘quello di Bologna, il cui stile si accosta molto a quello del kantharos di Brüssel, potrebbe essere anch' esso della officina di Duris.’ Clearly the only resemblance between the two vases is the subject: the Bologna vase, with its child-like spirit and experimental technique, is a world away from even the earliest works of Douris.

page 201 note 6 Langlotz, , Zeitbestimmung, pp. 17–23Google Scholar.

page 202 note 1 J.H.S. xlvii. Pl. 11: see above, p. 196Google Scholar, note 4. Miss Haspels kindly examined the Leyden vase for me.

page 202 note 2 On the painter see J.H.S. xlvii. pp. 63–91Google Scholar, and Att. B.f. p. 26 and pp. 41, 42.

page 202 note 3 Bull. Metr. Mus. 8, pp. 94–9Google Scholar; Antike Denkmäler 4 Pls. 19–20.: detail, Fig. 6, from a photograph kindly sent me by Miss Richter. The aryballos has a knob on the bottom (see below, p. 208), and is fitted with a lid or plug. I cannot be certain from the photograph if there are two handles or only one. On the method of suspension see below, p. 216: for the middle strip securing the lid compare the fourth-century stele in Berlin, Blümel, , Gr. Skulpt. des V u. IV Jh. Pl. 45Google Scholar.

page 202 note 4 13. 105, from Greece: Münchner Jahrbuch, 1919, p. 10 (Buschor)Google Scholar; Hoppin, , B.f. p. 316Google Scholar; Vorberg, , Ueber das Geschlechtsleben im Altertum, pl. 27, 2Google Scholar. Attempts to trace a connection between the shape and the inscription show a misconception of the nature and physique of the god, and are disproved by the ideal forms of the vase. What the potter is thinking of is not the garden-god, but a young man, πρῶτον ὑπηνήτης τοῦ περ χαριεστάτη ἤβη.

page 202 note 5 One in the Thorvaldsen Museum at Copenhagen, others elsewhere: see also Maximova, , Vases plastiques, Pl. 39, 144, and p. 90Google Scholar. An East-Greek aidoion-vase, from Rhodes, in Florence, has the spout pierced.

page 202 note 6 Inserted into the cup B 395.

page 202 note 7 Bollettino d'Arte, Nov. 1928, Fig. 15, 3 (Doro Levi).

page 204 note 1 Not a cup as stated by Hoppin, (B.f. p. 317)Google Scholar. No figure decoration.

page 204 note 2 Würzburg 290, Hoppin, , B.f. p. 135Google Scholar: see my Vases in Poland, p. 3, note 6.

page 204 note 3 Acropolis F 195. Reserved inside. .

page 204 note 4 See Vases in Poland, pp. 4–5.

page 204 note 5 95· 55: from the Barre, Piot, and van Branteghem collections: the reverse only, A.J.A. 1918, p. 270 (Eldridge)Google Scholar.

page 204 note 6 Eldridge's ‘bucrane’ is a slip.

page 204 note 7 Maximova, op. cit. Pl. 27, 104.

page 204 note 8 Pottier, in Mon. Piot, 13, pp. 149–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gábrici, in Mon. Linc. 22, pp. 514–16Google Scholar; Wolters, , Ein Salbgefäss aus Tarent in Münchner Jahrbuch, 1913, pp. 83–96Google Scholar; Vases in America, p. 88, and C.V. Oxford, text to Pl. 47, 9.

page 206 note 1 Furtwängler read the first letter as alpha, but Miss Haspels, who kindly re-examined the vase for me, says that it is damaged and may as well be delta as alpha.

page 209 note 1 The style recalls the Calliope painter.

page 210 note 1 The Bologna vase was bought in Venice from a dealer who seems to have had relations with Greece as well as Italy (see Pellegrini, , V.P.U. pp. v–vi.Google Scholar).

page 210 note 2 Gems: Beazley, Gems in Lewes House, Pl. A, 16. Tomba della Scimmia at Chiusi (phot. Moscioni 10498: Mon. 5, Pl. 16, whence, redrawn, Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. aryballus, Fig. 544).

page 211 note 1 The bottom is round, not flattened off as in the photograph.

page 211 note 2 See below, p. 214.

page 213 note 1 Now published by von Mercklin, in Anz. 1928, p. 439Google Scholar, with references to others.

page 213 note 2 Above, p. 187.

page 213 note 3 See Wolters, , Zu gr. Agonen, pp. 5–9Google Scholar, and my Vases in Poland, p. 60.

page 213 note 4 Bulletin van de Vereeniging 1, ii. p. 9Google Scholar.

page 213 note 6 J.H.S. xlix. pp. 39 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 214 note 1 Mon. Piot, 9, Pl. 11 (Pottier).

page 214 note 2 The latest are those in the collection of Dr. A. B. Cook at Cambridge (Cook, , Zeus, ii.Google Scholar Pl. 21), in the British Museum, 47. 8–6. 35 (C.V. B.M. III. 1c, Pl. 44, 1: the mouth modern, but the form of it certain from traces), and in the Paris market (Mikas): see J.H.S. xlix. pp. 61–5 and 78Google Scholar.

page 214 note 3 4050, from Attica: Furtwängler, , Coll. Sabouroff, heading to text Pl. 65Google Scholar: no handles. See above, p. 208.

page 214 note 4 From Eleusis: Ἐϕ. Ἀρχ. 1885, Pl. 9, 10 (Philios)Google Scholar; Hoppin, , B.f. ii. p. 359Google Scholar. For the offset lip, cf. the Berlin Proklees (see below, note 8) and the fayence vase mentioned above, p. 211; for the lack of projection in the handles, compare a head-aryballos in Oxford (CV. Oxford, Pl. 44, 5), and the (Etruscan?) aryballos in Copenhagen mentioned on p. 210. On the topside of the mouth, (

page 214 note 5 Bull. Metr. Mus. 19, p. 129Google Scholar, Fig. 5 (Richter). On the topside of the mouth, . Others in Toronto, Yale (Baur, p. 113, no. 172), Florence.

page 214 note 6 From the Acropolis of Athens. On the topside of the mouth,

page 214 note 7 333. from Taranto. C.V. Oxford, Pl. 49, 15. On the topside of the mouth,

page 214 note 8 2202, from Tanagra. Mon. Piot, 9, p. 141 (Pottier)Google Scholar; Hoppin, , B.f. p. 319Google Scholar: see J.H.S. xlix. pp. 41–2 and 75Google Scholar.

page 214 note 9 See above, p. 212.

page 214 note 10 See above, p. 193.

page 214 note 11 R.f. Alabastron by Psiax in Carlsruhe, 242 (Welter, , Aus der Karlsruher Vasensammlung, Pl. 8Google Scholar): the projections solid. The projections string-holes: black alabastra in Delphi, (F. de Delphes, 5, p. 168, Fig. 707Google Scholar) and in Munich, inv. 2248 (Pfuhl, Fig. 794).