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Notes from the Dodecanese

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  04 October 2013

R. Hope Simpson  and
J. F. Lazenby
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Extract

This entry in the Catalogue comes immediately after the Rhodian contingent under Tlepolemos, and immediately before Achilles' Myrmidons. None of the three leaders appears elsewhere, nor are any of their relatives mentioned elsewhere, with the exception, of course, of Herakles, grandfather of Pheidippos and Antiphos. Of the islands over which they rule, only Kos is mentioned again.

There can be no reason to doubt the identification of Syme, Nisyros, Krapathos, and Kasos, with the islands which still bear those names, apart from a slight and normal change in the case of Krapathos—Karpathos. By Κῶς Εὐρυπύλοιο πόλις is presumably meant a city on the site of the present Kos-town, called elsewhere Μερόπις. Thus the Delian Hymn to Apollo refers to Kos as πόλις Μερόπων ἀνθρώπων. This is borne out by the other references to Kos in the Iliad, for there it is given the epithet εὖ ναιομένην, which elsewhere seems to be applied to cities.

The problem of what Homer meant by νῆσοι Καλύδναι was already being discussed in Strabo's time. He says that the general opinion (φασί) was that νῆσοι Καλύδναι meant Kalymna and the islands near by, Kalymna perhaps being once called Καλύδνα, but that some said that Leros and Kalymna were meant, while Demetrios of Skepsis held that Καλύδναι was a plural similar to Ἀθῆναι or Θῆβαι. While there does not seem to be any good evidence that Kalymna (= Kalymnos) was alone ever called Καλύδνα or Καλύδναι, there is no doubt that the people of Kalymna and the adjacent islands—presumably Telendos and Pserimos, and possibly also Kalolimnos—were called Καλύδνιοι in the fifth century B.C.

Type
Research Article
Information
Annual of the British School at Athens , Volume 57 , November 1962 , pp. 154 - 175
Copyright
Copyright © The Council, British School at Athens 1962

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References

1 Il. xiv. 255 = xv. 28, referring to Herakles' visit after his sack of Troy.

2 Cf. Bean, and Cook, , BSA lii (1957) 120f.Google Scholar and refs.

3 Cf. Bowra, , JHS lxxx (1960) 20.Google Scholar The epithet, which appears to mean ‘well-populated’, is applied to Troy in the formula εὖ ναιόμενον πτολίεθρον (Il. i. 164, ii. 133, ix. 402, xiii. 380), and to Sidonie (Od. xiii. 285). In the last case it might refer to a country, since the Odyssey does know the name Sidon for the city (Od. xv. 425).

4 X. 5. 19.

5 Cf. BSA lii (1957) 133–4. The island (Gaidourónesi) might have been used for grazing as nowadays.

6 Cf. ATL i. 494. The editors perhaps dismiss the elder Pliny's reference to ‘Calydna insula’ as a source of excellent honey—NH xi. 32—a little too summarily, though he may simply have adopted Strabo's conjecture. Strabo, in fact, calls the honey τὸ Καλύμνιον.

7 Cf. ATL i. 510–11.

8 BSA lii (1957) 134.

9 Cf. Paton, , CR viii (1894) 375–7.Google Scholar

10 v. 53. 1. Diodorus also tells us that Nireus ruled over part of Knidia as well as Syme (cf. Fraser, P. M. and Bean, G. E., The Rhodian Peraea and Islands 140f.Google Scholar).

11 Mnaseasa ap. Athen, vii. 296b–c (FGH iii. 151); Eustathius, ad Il. ii. 671.

12 Loc. cit.

13 See below on Pigádhia.

14 The natural comparison is with the Ἐτεόκρητες of Odyssey xix. 176. As Fraser and Bean suggest (The Rhodian Peraea and Islands 142) the Ἐτεοκαρπάθιοι may have been a remnant of an early population which died out in the course of the fourth century.

15 Il. xiv. 255 = xv. 28.

16 FGH iii, fr. 78; cf. Apollodorus ii. 7, 1; Schol, ad Pind. Nem. iv. 25 (40).

17 Eustathius ad Il. ii. 677; Hyginus, fab. 97.

18 v. 54.

19 Pliny, NH v. 133; Steph. Byz. s.v. Ἄμφη; Pliny, , NH iv. 70Google Scholar; Steph. Byz. s.v. Ἄστράβη.

20 e.g. by Lorimer, , Homer and the Monuments 47.Google Scholar

21 Il. ii. 655 and 668; cf. Lorimer, loc. cit.

22 Andrewes, , in Hermes lxxxix (1961) 132–3.Google Scholar

23 The Mycenaean Origin of Greek Mythology (1932) 187–220.

24 As Miss Lorimer herself suggested, loc. cit.

25 BSA lii (1957) 116–38. This work gives most of the references needed (with the exception of Karpathos and Kasos). We should, however, like to mention particularly the following:

Furumark, A., in Skrifter utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Rom xv, Opuscula Archaeologica vi (1950) 150–271.Google Scholar

Stubbings, F. H., Mycenaean Pottery in the Levant (1951), esp. 5–22Google Scholar and 102–111.

Dawkins, R. M., BSA ix (1902–1903) 176Google Scholar ff. (Karpathos).

Wace, A. J. B. and Dawkins, R. M., BSA xii (1905–1906) 151–74Google Scholar (Nisyros, Telos, and Leros).

Fraser, P. M. and Bean, G. E., The Rhodian Peraea and Islands (1954), esp. 138–73.Google Scholar

An advance report of our own discoveries was published in JHS Suppl., Arch. Reports for 1960–61 34–35.

26 His notes were made on numerous journeys in 1954, and on a return visit to the island in 1958.

27 At the same time it must be emphasized that Professor Jameson's views (which he is hoping to publish elsewhere) do not necessarily coincide with the views expressed in this article.

28 BCH lxxiv (1950) 312–13. Mr. S. J. Kharitonides will shortly be undertaking the publication of the vases; and we are indebted to him for permission to refer to them in advance, and also to Mr. K. Konstantinopoulos for showing them to us in Rhodes Museum.

29 Plate 42 a.

30 Fraser, and Bean, , The Rhodian Peraea and Islands 141, n. 4Google Scholar, speak of ‘a possible ancient site near Pegadhi’. Perhaps this apparent underestimate of the extent and importance of the site may have affected their subsequent discussion of the locations of Potidaion and of the city of Karpathos.

31 By Dawkins, , BSA ix. 203Google Scholar f.; cf. Jameson, M. H., Hesperia xxvii (1958) 122–4.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

32 Bent relates (JHS vi (1885) 235): ‘… old inhabitants still call it by the contraction of this name Posin, but some years ago a name signifying “drink” appeared objection able to the sober-minded inhabitants, and they rechristened it, Pegadia or “wells” …’

33 By von Gaertingen, Hiller in IG xii. 158Google Scholar; cf. Dawkins, loc. cit.

34 That there was a city Karpathos has been inferred from the Athenian tribute-lists, where we find listed as tributaries and (ATL i. 497, cf. Fraser and Bean, op. cit. 141–2). But the later reference to Karpathos, , in IG xii. 1.977Google Scholar, may be to the island and not to the city (as is pointed out in ATL i. 497). All that may reasonably be deduced is that the Καρπάθιοι in the tribute-lists comprised ‘a geographical unit less than the entire island’ (cf. ATL ibid.).

35 Ross, , Inselreisen iii (1845) 56–57Google Scholar, noted slight remains of walls on the acropolis, and on the east slope some ruins of wrought sandstone and marble blocks. On the highest ridge he mentions irregular, fragmentary stretches of walling. We failed to rediscover the ‘fine piece of ashlar wall in regular courses built on the edge of the cliff’ (north side?), seen by Dawkins, BSA ix. 203.

36 A few 5th-century pieces, but mostly 4th-century. Some with horizontal bands might be Archaic. Jameson noted a Middle Corinthian pyxis from a field near Pigádhia; also whole, undecorated Roman pots.

37 Some of the many amphora fragments are of the Roman period.

38 On the summit of these hills is a chapel of Ayia Kyriakí, built on a rock. Some large blocks in the foundations of the chapel suggest that there may have been an ancient fort here.

39 Dawkins (loc. cit.) does not seem to have noticed this wall, although he mentions sandstone blocks higher up on the east slope. The walls, and the foundations at Ayia Kyriakí (n. 38), are further mentioned by Maier, F. G., Griechische Mauerbauinschriften i (Heidelberg, 1959) 187–8.Google Scholar

40 See on Arkaseia below.

41 We did, however, find part of an obsidian blade.

42 See note 28 above.

43 We were told that the house belonged to Elias Saousopoulos, and that it had been built by Ioannis Iasimou.

44 The site is henceforth called by us Potidaion, for convenience, although we realize that the argument for the attribution of the name is not absolutely conclusive.

45 In AA 1937, 182 there is a laconic reference to Hellenistic chamber tombs ‘oberhalb von Pigádia’. There are plenty of ancient sherds in this vicinity, although they occur sporadically, and this suggests that the post-Mycenaean cemetery may have been here also.

46 The site is marked 2 on Fig. 2.

47 The profile more closely resembles the L.M. IA variety (with straighter sides), but the date may well be transitional M.M. IIIB–L.M. IA.

48 We were not able to study the vases completely at the time. A fuller description will be added by Mr. Kharitonides, who will be including them in his publication. Our remarks are therefore provisional and subject to eventual correction. The vases will be taken to Rhodes Museum.

49 These are:

(a) Stirrup-jar. Shape as Furumark MP. fig. 3, no. 165 (Myc. IIIA 1). Pattern of Diaper net above Zigzag band, in dark-brown paint on shoulder zone.

(b) Low Beaked Jug. Shape resembles Furumark MP. fig. 6, no. 145, but it is more ‘baggy’ and ‘depressed’. Pattern, on shoulder zone in glossy orange paint, of curved vertical stripes above band of horizontally placed uniform parallel chevrons. The vase might be classed either Myc. IIIA 1 or Myc. IIIA 2.

(c) Pyxis. With angular profile, resembling in shape Furumark MP. fig. 12, no. 93 on right (Myc. IIIA 1). Diaper net pattern in black paint on side of vase between bands.

50 JHS vi (1885) 233–5; cf. BSA ix. 201.

51 Stubbings, , Mycenaean Pottery in the Levant 21.Google Scholar

52 BM Cat. A 971–7; CVA British Museum v, pl. 10, 8–14. Apparently he presented all seven vases (i.e. including BM Cat. A 973 and 976).

53 Paton, W. R., JHS viii (1887) 449Google Scholar, which also partly corrects Furtwängler, and Loeschke, , Mykenische Vasen 83.Google Scholar

54 Dawkins, , BSA ix. 201.Google Scholar

55 The sherds were mostly worn and gritty or micaceous; but some were black glazed, and one might be Archaic. It features three small incised concentric circles (which formed part of a horizontal band) filled with a red-brown paint.

56 OpuscArch vi (1950) 201 and n. 2.

57 They consist mainly of bare assertions: e.g. Chronology 67 f., where the Beaked Jug (BM Cat. A 976) and the Angular Cup (BM Cat. A 973) are described as ‘exclusively L.M. III types’; Analysis 55, n. 8—a simple statement that BM Cat. A 973 is L.M. IIIB 1; cf. Analysis 72 f. and 181, n. 11, where Minoan origin is again merely assumed. Only Analysis 64 presents detailed argument, in that it is said that L.M. IIIB 1 Stemmed Cups have a more angular or carinated profile than Myc. IIIB.

58 This idea is not a new one (cf. BSA ix. 201, where Dawkins noted the similarity between the conventionalized murex shells of the Kylix from Yiafáni (BM Cat. A 974) and the many examples from Ialysos). It seems to be tacitly assumed by Furumark, (Chronology 68)Google Scholar that a Bull's-head Rhyton must inevitably be Minoan. But for a possible Rhodian parallel for BM Cat. A 971 compare JdI, 1911, 259 and Abb. 1, and 261 and Abb. 12. As to the Stemmed Cups or Kylikes (BM Cat. A 974 and 975), they are indeed remarkably similar to the many found at Ialysos. In particular, for a very close parallel both as to shape and design (of alternate whorl shells and dotted rings) of BM Cat. A 974, compare CVA British Museum v, pl. 5. 33, from Ialysos.

59 Further study of the vases seems required, and it is planned that this will be undertaken at a later date by Hope Simpson. Other opinions concerning the vases and further discussion would be welcomed.

60 Bibliography: Bent, , JHS vi (1885) 235–9Google Scholar; Dawkins, , BSA ix. 204Google Scholar; Seta, Della, Boll. d'Arte, 1924–1925, 86Google Scholar (describing the walls as being of the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C.). The site is also described by Beaudouin, , BCH iv (1880) 274–6.Google Scholar Inscriptions, IG xii. 1, together with Historia vii (1933) 583, nos. 5 and 6.

61 Plate 43 c and d. Note one drafted corner (ashlar, quarry face).

62 Loc. cit.

63 BSA ix. 201–2.

64 Cf. BSA ix. 202 for Dawkins's discovery of a ‘small triangular flint chipped to a point’.

65 Plate 43 b; marked A on Fig. 3.

66 Cf. Dawkins, 's description, BSA ix. 202.Google Scholar

67 Marked B on Fig. 3.

68 Dawkins likewise was unable to distinguish its purpose (loc. cit.).

69 BSA ix. 204; cf. ATL i. 497.

70 IG xii. 1. 977; cf. Fraser and Bean, op. cit. 142–4, and Jameson, , Hesperia xxvii (1958) 123.Google Scholar

71 Cf. BSA ix. 181.

72 Plate 43 a, marked 3 on Fig. 2. This is the hill mentioned by Dawkins, (BSA ix. 185)Google Scholar which ‘hides’ Voládha.

73 We were shown some coins in Voládha, reported to be from the Píni neighbourhood. They included one Rhodian (Hellenistic, and similar to Seltman, Greek Coins, pl. 61. 14), and coins of Constantine the Great and Gordian III.

74 The ‘medieval ruin’ (i.e. the Kastro) may have been the centre of a village of refuge. It has been described by Dawkins, loc. cit., and Seta, Della, Boll. d'Arte, 1924–1925, 87Google Scholar; cf. Gerola, , Annuario ii (1916) 79–80.Google Scholar On old Italian maps the name Scarpanto is attributed to this area (BSA ix. 204; and cf. the map on p. 234 of Καρπαθιακὰ Μνημεϊα Γ′, by Μ. Γ. Μιχαηλίδου-Νουάρου, published in Athens by Γ. Σερμπίνη, 1940).

75 Forming a rough quadrant from west-south-west through south to east-south-east: approximately the part of the hill visible on Plate 43 a.

76 Many of the bodies were found facing west.

77 The site is about a kilometre south of Kastro summit, and thus to south-west of Apéri village. The tombs are on the property of G. Leontakes of Apéri.

78 Cf. Kameiros, , Clara Rhodos vi–vii (1932–1933) 210–11, figs. 255, 258Google Scholar; BM Cat. Jewellery 96, nos. 1166–7, pl. 12 (from Kameiros).

79 AA 1932, 182; Historia vii (1933) 581, n. 14.

80 Πάλαια Πῆ (corruption of Πηγή). The site is marked 4 on Fig. 2, and sketched here, Fig. 4. The spring is said to flow at an average rate of 280 tons in 24 hours.

81 It is called Palaiókastro (cf. Segre, , Historia vii (1933))Google Scholar, or sometimes ‘Pólis to Potámi’ (a name, apparently, also given to a cave ten minutes to the north-east, down a steep gully towards the orchards of Mertónas). We suggest, however, that the site should henceforward be recorded as Pália Pί, to distinguish it from the Palaiókastro at Lástos (below).

82 In the property of Nikolaos Diakos of Voládha.

83 We may compare the system whereby the villagers of Ólimbos in the north of the island maintain cottages and gardens in the small plateau of Avlóna, also a considerable distance from their village.

84 865 metres a.s.l. The hill is particularly prominent as one comes to Lástos from the pass over Ntíá (above Píni).

85 Plate 44 a.

86 Plate 44 b and c.

87 We may compare the manner in which the site of Kythera (on the mountain of Palaiókastro) dominates the port of Skandeia, (BSA lvi (1961) 149).Google Scholar

88 One might suppose that the Dorian settlers occupied the areas of Pigádhia (Potidaion), Brykous, and Arkaseia as a first step, thus driving the indigenous population (Eteokarpathians?) inland, principally to Apéri and beyond.

89 IG xii. 1. 978, 982, 983, and 1033 (cf. Jameson, op. cit. 122–3).

90 IG xii. i. 1033; cf. Jameson, op. cit., and Fraser and Bean, op. cit. 142–3. The Ktoina apparently had ‘corporate independence’ in the late 3rd century B.C.

91 Unless, perhaps, as suggested to us by Professor Jameson, the name was given to the Rhodian settlers also, after their incorporation, together with the Eteokarpathians, into the Rhodian state as the deme of the Karpathiopolitia.

92 Op. cit. 142.

93 As well as the evidence of the inscription from Píni (itself suggestive of a shrine of Apollo Kyparissios), we have another possible indication (albeit of late date) given by Isidore (xiv. 6. 24) ‘ex hac insula dicuntur Carpasiae naves magnae et spatiosae'; cf. xix. 1. 11 ‘Carpathia navis’.

94 It is not really difficult to understand why Rhodes earlier should have ‘absorbed’ only Potidaion (Fraser and Bean, op. cit. 143). Strategic command of the main port would have ensured effective control over the island. We might well compare the policy of the recent Italian administration in the Dodecanese.

95 Fraser and Bean, op. cit. 143.

96 As remarked by Dawkins.

97 h. Hom. Ap. 43; cf. Scylax, , Periplus 32.Google Scholar

98 BSA ix. 208–9.

99 These are indicated by diamond signs on the Map, Fig. 2.

100 These have given rise to a local tradition of a ‘Palati’.

101 The houses at Ayios Yióryios, Léfkos, are fully occupied every other year. The fields near Rízes, to west of Ayios Yióryios, are apparently the best in the Mesokhóri area.

102 Dawkins, , BSA ix. 209–10Google Scholar; Seta, Della, Boll. d'Arte, 1924–1925, 85.Google Scholar

103 Op. cit. 85; cf. Jameson, , Hesperia xxvii (1958) 122–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar (inscription no. 4).

104 The structure is approximately 9×5 metres. The roof (of ashlar beams) is supported on three rows of columns of conglomerate blocks. Seven passages lead off it, veneered with a thick smooth red stucco.

105 Compare Mavrovoúni in Laconia, and tombs near Mitáta on Kythera (BSA lvi (1961) 152).

106 Historia vii (1933) 581–3.

107 Cf. the story told by Dawkins, , BSA ix. 206.Google Scholar

108 IG xii. 1. 1031–7; and Historia vii (1933) 584.

109 Historia vii (1933) 587, no. 8.

110 BSA ix. 205.

111 Votives found at Ayia Katerina were shown to Jameson in 1954. They included bulls and a lion. The materials varied—terracotta, poros stone, or bronze, but most appeared to be of the 6th century B.C. and perhaps some a little later. Segre, , Historia vii (1933) 587Google Scholar, also reported similar finds, together with classical sherds.

112 On porthmoi cf. Ferguson, , Hesperia vii (1938) 68.Google Scholar

113 Σάριοι in ATL i. 544; Σάριος IG xii. 1. 1010–11.

114 Inselreisen iii.

115 BSA ix. 204–5.

116 x. 5. 17.

117 JHS vi (1885) 239.

118 Op. cit. 141, n. 4.

119 Described by Dawkins, , BSA ix. 206–8.Google Scholar

120 IG xii. 1. 1039.

121 Cf. BSA ix. 206. This is apparently the sole water-supply on Sartá, apart from cisterns.

122 IG xii. 1. 1040.

123 JHS vi (1885) 239; cf. BSA ix. 206–8. Bent says ‘all these tombs had been rifled, but amongst the débris we saw more beautiful bits of pottery than any we had found in the unrifled tombs’ (sc. at Brykous).

124 Dawkins, loc. cit., and Seta, Della, Boll. d'Arte, 1924–1925, 86Google Scholar ff. The architecture is distinctive, with frequent vaults with acute arches, and beehive cupoles emerging from rectangular nuclei.

125 Loc. cit.

126 Cf. Avlóna, also dependent on Ólimbos. Sariá, along with Khilio, south of Tristomo, is farmed in alternate years with Vourgoúnda and Avlóna (by the villagers of Ólimbos). During most of the year only shepherds stay on the island. For ploughing and harvest mass migration with animals used to be effected by great oared galleys across the straits; now by small boats with the animals swimming (pandemonium). On the west of the island there is a small bay and chapel of A. Pandeleímon where people from Ólimbos go for the festival in August. There are a few fields here, and more in a small valley on the way to the ferry at Píla.

127 Walters, , JHS xvii (1897) 64–65Google Scholar; add the small black stone axe from Ta Palátia seen by Dawkins at Ólimbos (BSA ix. 201).

128 Of normal Mycenaean type (compared to Mykenische Vasen, pl. D, nos. 18 and 19).

129 For anything of novelty in these notes we are indebted to Professor Jameson, since we made no landfall on the island.

Bibliography: Fraser, and Bean, , The Rhodian Peraea and Islands 152–3Google Scholar; RE x, Reihe ii (1919) 2268–9; Ross, L., Inselreisen iii (1845) 32 ff.Google Scholar

Inscriptions: IG xii. 1. 1041–3, and Jameson, M., Hesperia xxviii (1959) 119, nos. 22 and 23.Google Scholar The Μεγάλη Ἑλληνική Ἐγκυκλοπαιδεία (1930) 937–9 gives a few notes, and records information collected also by von Gaertringen, Hiller (cf. Öster. Mitt. xvi (1893) 102 ff.Google Scholar on Karpathos).

130 Ps.-Scyl. 99; Diod. v. 54; Strabo x. 498; Pliny, , NH iv. 70–71.Google Scholar

131 The local phrase is στὸ μπόλιν.

132 Inselreisen iii. 35.

133 Including Hesperia xxviii, 119, no. 23.

134 The site recalls Kástro at Apéri on Karpathos.

135 For instance, the Μεγ. Ἑλλ. Ἐλκ. (loc. cit.) records ‘black and red vases, lamps, grave inscriptions in bluish marble, and a stele of white marble with a low relief of Apollo or an ephebe’. (Although we may suspect that this last is in fact the relief now at Pigádhia, mentioned above.)

136 A little east of the village of Ofri (Fig. 2).

137 Including a grave-stone re-used as a capital, Hesperia xxviii (1959) 119, no. 22.

138 IG xii. 1. 1042. There are said to be fields here, as well as pasture.

139 So the Μεγ. Ἑλλ. Ἐλκ., loc. cit.

140 References are given by Bean, and Cook, , BSA lii (1957) 116Google Scholar, n. 205. Cf. Fraser, and Bean, , The Rhodian Peraea and Islands 139–41.Google Scholar

141 Plate 45 b.

142 Khaviaras, D. in ÖJh vii. 287.Google ScholarIbid., fig. 49, is a view of Kástro from the south-west; cf. Liddell, R., Aegean Greece (1954)Google Scholar, photo facing p. 191.

143 Plate 45 c is a section on the north-west.

144 There is the usual frustrating difficulty of attribution (cf. on Nisyros below). One sherd has a band in dullish paint on a smooth buff ‘polished’ surface, with monochrome dull brown paint on the inside. The other, part of a jug neck, has thick orange bands, and two thin bands within them, on a similar polished buff surface.

145 Maiuri, , Ann. iv–v. 456 f.Google Scholar

146 The Kástro above Mandráki; cf. BSA lii (1957) 118–19, esp. n. 213 (bibliography), and Fraser and Bean, op. cit. 138–54, esp. 147 ff.

147 BSA lii (1957) 119.

148 Ibid.: ‘striped wares (perhaps going back into the late seventh century)’.

149 Cf. Furness, A., PPS xxii (1956) 193Google Scholar, for obsidian from Yalí in the Asprípetra cave on Kos. When our boat (from Mandráki to Kardhámena) called at Yalí, it was pointed out to us that the obsidian comes from the eastern part of the island. It was confirmed locally that this glass-like obsidian is in fact responsible for the name of the island.

150 Cf. Bean and Cook, op. cit. 119, n. 217.

151 Op. cit. 119.

152 Op. cit. 118.

153 A fortified landing-place of the Knights of Rhodes (cf. BSA xii. 168 and Myres, J. L., Geographical History in Greek Lands (1953) 330).Google Scholar

154 Bean and Cook, loc. cit.

155 Op. cit. 118, n. 214.

156 Op. cit. 119–27.

157 We list here the known Mycenaean sites on Kos; cf. Stubbings, , Mycenaean Pottery from the Levant 21–22.Google Scholar

The Seraglio, : Morricone, , Boll. d'Arte xxxv (1950) 316–30, esp. 320 ff.Google Scholar; cf. JHS lxv (1945) 102, and RA xxxix (1952) 103–4. Recent excavations, Ergon for 1959, 131–4. Sherds in the collection at the British School in Athens, marked ‘Seraglio’, include M.M. III light-on-dark, L.M. IA, L.M. IB (naturalistic octopus tentacle), and several good-quality Myc. IIIA and Myc. IIIB.

The Asklepieion: Morricone, op. cit. 327; cf. Fimmen, , Die Kretisch-Mykenische Kultur (1921) 16Google Scholar, and AA 1905, 13: Mycenaean finds in area of Burinna.

Langádha: JHS lxv. 102. Large cemetery of chamber tombs dating ‘from the fourteenth to the twelfth century B.C.’ The location given, ‘some kilometres south of the city of Cos’, is not sufficiently accurate to enable us to mark it on Fig. 5.

Eleóna: Stubbings, op. cit. 21; cf. Morricone, op. cit. 21. About twenty chamber tombs, with pottery covering all three phases of the Myc. III period.

Fimmen, op. cit. 16, also records a Mycenaean vase from Antimákhia (Mykenische Vasen 33) in the British Museum. Two Mycenaean pots from Kos (BM Cat. A 978 and 979) are listed by Stubbings, op. cit. 22, who attributes them to Myc. IIIB. Bean and Cook, BSA lii. 123, say that a few Mycenaean sherds were found in the Asprípetra cave; but Furness, PPS xxii (1956) 123, only remarks ‘there is nothing to show that dark burnished wares in these islands did not continue until Mycenaean times’. For the cave (marked 12 on Fig. 5) cf. Ann. viii–ix. 235 ff., 310ff. At Mesariá a pithos burial is reported, with ‘vases and weapons referred to the end of the Middle Bronze Age’ (JHS Suppl., Arch. Reports for 1958 16).

158 Cf. BSA lii. 122. We looked wistfully at some of the ‘archaic striped ware’ (marked ‘Kephalos’) in the British School collection, and at some of our own sherds, one of which looks Mycenaean, and another Minoan. But the difficulty is the same as that experienced at Syme and Nisyros.

159 See note 157 above.

160 Branching right from the road at approx. 200 metres north of the 23rd kilometre stone on the road from Kos to Kardhámena.

161 About 250 metres south-east of the spring.

162 The west side of this extends almost to the road. The east side is marked by a stone field wall. The compass-bearing to Kardhámena church was 203° (1960). The site is marked 13 on the map, Fig. 5.

163 The usual Kylix or Deep Bowl fragments, with orange or black bands on polished buff surface. Stubbings, loc. cit., records that the earliest vases from the tombs were Myc. II/III A1.

164 If the duller paint, more carelessly applied, can be taken as a criterion. In the tombs Myc. IIIC is said to be well represented (Stubbings, loc. cit.).

165 Strabo xiv. 657; cf. BSA lii. 119–20 and 126.

166 The site of the ridge is approximately that of the black dot beside Kardhámena on the map BSA lii. 117, fig. 14.

167 BSA lii. 127–33.

168 BM Cat. A 1001–24; CVA British Museum v, pl. 8, 22–28, pl. 9.; cf. Stubbings, op. cit. 22, who assigns all the vases to Myc. IIIB or IIIC.

169 Marked 14 on Fig. 5. Plate 42 b and c.

170 Myres, op. cit. 330.

171 JHS viii (1887) 446–8; cf. CR i. 80 f.

172 We must apologize for the error (‘east’ for ‘west’), if such it is, on p. 35 of JHS Suppl., Arch. Reports for 1960–61. The hollows in the left (north-east) bank of the stream-bed are the more obvious, and more closely resemble ruined chamber tombs. The right bank should in any case be referred to as south-west of the torrent.

173 BM Cat. A 1013 = CVA British Museum v, pl. 9, 16.

174 80 metres (north-east to south-west) by 40.

175 Monochrome Deep Bowls (IIIA?) and tall-stemmed Kylikes were much in evidence. The standard of the ‘polish’ and ‘slip’ was good. Shapes represented include Crater, Piriform Jar, Pyxis.

176 Cf. Embolas below.

177 PPS xxii (1956) 188. Sherds that we picked up in the cave were Myc. IIIB–C. The red or black burnished Neolithic is distinctive, and some obsidian also turned up. The cave is about 200 metres east of and above the chapel of Ayia Varvára. The bearing from Perakástro was 40°, and the distance about 400 metres.

178 BSA lii. 127.

179 Marked 17 on Fig. 5. PPS, loc. cit., records ‘Neolithic’, Kamares, and Late Mycenaean; cf. BSA lii. 128.

180 BSA lii. 128, n. 282.

181 For Émbolas, cf. BSA lii. 128–9. It is marked 17 on our map, Fig. 5.

182 See above on Nisyros.

183 A good example of this type is the altar at the entrance to the south side of Rhodes harbour.

184 This may be Reïses' site.

Prehistoric ware is to be expected in any case, in view of the neolithic pottery from the spoil of a well in the valley; cf. BSA lii. 128, nn. 279 and 282.

185 It is not unlikely that Phylakái is also used as a toponym to include the area of the spur.

186 BSA lii. 129, n. 287 ad fin.

187 The collection is being put in order (cf. BCH lxxxiv (1960) 814). ‘Stray’ Mycenaean vases include: Pilgrim Flask (IIIB), with usual concentric circle ornament; Stirrup Jar (IIIB?); two Piriform Jars (IIIB–C); a large straight-sided Pyxis with lattice ornament (IIIB–C); and an Amphoroid Jar with tall neck (IIIC 2?). Later vases include Protogeometric and Geometric, cf. JHS Suppl., Arch. Reports for 1960–61 35.

188 BSA lii. 129–30 (for Dámos and sanctuary of Apollo at Ierousalem).

189 Bearing to Ierousalem chapel (1½ km.) 165°; to church tower of Linária (2 km.) 270°.

190 The land now occupied by the buildings of Pothiá would then have been available for cultivation; and, together with the western side of the valley (Eliés and Linária-Kandoúni), would have had a considerably greater productive capacity than Vathi. Cf. BSA lii. 127–8 and Myres, op. cit. 284–5.

191 Furumark, , Opusc Arch vi (1950) 201Google Scholar, had foreseen this.

192 Monaco, , Clara Rhodos x (1941–1949) 41–183Google Scholar; cf. Furumark, op. cit. 150–271, and Stubbings, , Mycenaean Pottery from the Levant (1951) 5–8.Google Scholar

193 Morricone, , Boll. d'Arte 1950, 316–30Google Scholar; cf. RA xxxix (1952) 103–4. For recent excavations, Ergon for 1959, 131–4.

194 Especially RA, loc. cit.

195 Huxley, G. L., Achaeans and Hittites (1960) 21.Google Scholar For the site at Tigáni and the early pottery, see Furness, PPS xxii (1956) 174Google Scholar and refs. In addition to the sherds collected by Barron (Huxley, loc. cit.), there is an earlier report of pottery of L.M. IA type from a bothros in the area of the city of Samos (AM lx–lxi (1935–6) 190–6; cf. Furumark, op. cit. 200–1).

196 Weickert, , Istanbuler Mitteilungen vii (1957) 102 ff.Google Scholar, and in Boehringer (ed.), Neue Deutsche Ausgrabungen im Mittelmeergebiet und im Vorderen Orient (1959) 181–96; cf. Huxley, op. cit. 13–15, and Cook, J. M., JHS Suppl., Arch. Reports for 1959–60 48–49.Google Scholar

197 Cf. Stubbings, op. cit. 8.

198 Scholes, , BSA li (1956) 37–39Google Scholar, argues that Minoan power was at its height in Middle Cycladic III. But Furumark (op. cit. 192) remarks that it was in Late Cycladic I that the pottery from Phylakopi became ‘totally dependent on Minoan prototypes’. The greatest period of Minoan ascendancy seems to have begun in post-earthquake M.M. IIIB, and to have reached a peak in L.M. IA (cf. Furumark, op. cit. 249–54). On the thalassocracy of Minos, cf. Huxley, G. L., Crete and the Luwians (1961), esp. 1–7.Google Scholar

199 Scholes, , BSA li (1956) 9–40Google Scholar; Furumark, op. cit. 192–201.

200 BSA lvi (1961) 157; cf. Benton, , BSA xxxii (1931–1932) 245–6Google Scholar, and Furumark, op. cit. 201.

201 Cf. Furumark, op. cit. 252.

202 Although (as stated above) there is as yet no conclusive proof of Mycenaean inhabitation of the acropolis itself.

203 Furumark, op. cit. 181 and 263; cf. Stubbings, op. cit. 7–8.

204 Cook, J. M., JHS Suppl., Arch. Reports for 1959–60 48–49Google Scholar; cf. Huxley, op. cit. 13–15.

205 JHS Suppl., Arch. Reports for 1959–60, 17: ‘Late Mycenaean defence wall’; cf. BCH lxxxiii (1959) 727 (fig. 8) and 729–30.

206 Ware of ‘Kamares type’ was found in the cave at Daskalió (Vathí), Maiuri, , Clara Rhodos i. 115Google Scholar; cf. BSA li (1957) 128 and n. 282.

207 Cf. Furumark, op. cit. 249–71. The main Mycenaean commercial expansion seems to begin in Myc. IIIA 1, and it culminates in Myc. IIIB. It is not always easy to determine how far ‘the flag followed trade’ (cf. Furumark, op. cit. 252); but for Triánda cf. ibid. 263, and for Phylakopí; ibid. 264.

208 Stubbings, op. cit. 11–17 (Myc. IIIA 2).

209 Furumark's argument (op. cit. 201 and refs.), that the group from Yiafáni (dated by him L.M. IIIB 1) is Minoan, has been discussed above.

210 JHS lxv (1945) 102. Some of the vases were reported to be ‘fine works of the Rhodo-Mycenaean style’.

211 Cook, J. M., JHS Suppl., Arch. Reports for 1959–60, 50.Google Scholar

212 Some vases from Kalymnos are listed by Furumark, (Chronology 77)Google Scholar as Myc. IIIC 1 (cf. Stubbings, op. cit. 22). Others (recorded above) may be Myc. IIIC 2. The Myc. IIIC style was said to be well represented at Eleóna on Kos (Stubbings, op. cit. 21).

213 Desborough, , Protogeometric Pottery 222 ff.Google Scholar Recent excavations, in Ergon for 1959, 131–4.

214 Cf. BSA lii (1957) 123.

215 Ibid. 116–38.

216 Stubbings, op. cit. 108 f.; cf. Furumark, op. cit. 243 (Cilicia).

217 In any case the Catalogue gives no support for equating Aiyavā with Rhodes (cf. Page, D., History and the Homeric Iliad 15 ff.)Google Scholar; still less if, in fact, it reflects the ‘Koine’ period (Myc. IIIA 2–IIIB) when Rhodian power was apparently at its height (Page, op. cit. 15–16, and especially note 55 on pp. 36–37; cf. Stubbings, op. cit. 11–20).