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Imperial Legacies: The Historical Layers of a Maghrebi Society (1860 – 1930)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 June 2021

M’hamed Oualdi
M’hamed Oualdi*
Affiliation:
Sciences Po-Paris
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Abstract

A close study of the trans-Mediterranean legal conflicts prompted by the death of a former Tunisian minister in Florence in 1887, this article calls for a new interpretation of the history of modern North Africa. Rather than focusing on a close reading of colonial primary sources or depending on a single colonial temporality, this new interpretation must incorporate other analytical frameworks. It must also consider the overlap of French and Ottoman imperial temporalities that persisted across the Mediterranean until the 1920s, as well as the increasing number of litigations initiated before the French colonization of Tunisia—legal cases that were still influencing the rationales of North Africans during the colonial period. Analyzing these litigations not only in terms of their colonial context but also according to other temporalities, as well as diversifying our sources, allows us to nuance the commonplace, often reiterated in scholarly works on colonial North Africa, that there is a dearth of so-called “local” documentation. North African men and women involved in litigations contributed alongside Europeans to the writing of a huge amount of legal evidence and literary tracts, including in Arabic. Such sources were not always filed in the colonial archive. They are, however, of paramount importance for conceiving the modern history of North Africa in new ways.

Type
Temporalities of the Colonial Moment
Information
Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales - English Edition , Volume 72 , Issue 4 , December 2017 , pp. 671 - 698
Copyright
© Éditions EHESS 2021

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Footnotes

This article was translated from the French by Troy Tice and edited by Robin Emlein, Chloe Morgan, and Stephen Sawyer.

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36. Lewis, Divided Rule.

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42. ANT, c. 11, d. 113, doc. 8876, David Santillana to Régnault, secretary-general to the Tunisian government, Florence, November 3, 1887.

43. Jean Ganiage, “France, England, and the Tunisian Affair,” in France and Britain in Africa: Imperial Rivalry and Colonial Rule, ed. Gifford Prosser and William R. Louis (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971), 35 – 72.

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46. MAE (Nantes), consulate in Florence, 1876 – 1996, 227 PO/1/1, French consul to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, January 12, 1888.

47. MAE (Nantes), 227 PO/1/100 bis, Ḥusayn estate, 1887 – 1889, inventory of papers, letters, and registers of the Ḥusayn estate, October 29 – November 1887. The collection of European books included legal works relating to the defense of the Tunisian government’s interests, dictionaries, novels such as Voltaire’s Candide, and an essay that was much circulated at the time: Gustave Le Bon’s La civilisation des Arabes, first published in Paris in 1884.

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50. MAE (Nantes), 227 PO/1/100 bis, Ḥusayn estate, 1887 – 1889, inventory of papers, letters, and registers of the Ḥusayn estate, October 29 – November 1887.

51. ANT, c. 11, d. 113b, doc. 9351, Chekri Ghanem to Secretary-General Régnault, Florence, undated, fol. 3v. Born in Beirut in 1861, Ghanem later became a poet, novelist, and playwright.

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54. ANT, c. 11, d. 113, doc. 8820, French consul in Florence to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, September 7, 1887.

55. These included an Egyptian secretary, Mohamed Sengherzy: ANT, c. 11, d. 113, doc. 8789, French consul in Florence to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, July 18, 1887.

56. MAE (Nantes), 227 PO/1/100 bis, Ḥusayn estate, 1887 – 1889, inventory of papers, letters, and registers of the Ḥusayn estate, October 29 – November 1887.

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58. ANT, c. 11, d. 100, doc. 7624, agreement between David Santillana and Meuville, Florence, August 12, 1888; doc. 7524, Direction politique au Protectorat, Tunis, September 26, 1887.

59. Abdelhamid Hénia, Propriété et stratégies sociales à Tunis, xvi e – xix e siècles (Tunis: Faculté des sciences humaines et sociales de Tunis I, 1999), 103 and 108.

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61. ANT, c. 11, d. 113, doc. 8941, French consulate in Florence to Resident-General Massicault, December 30, 1887.

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63. MAE (La Courneuve), Tunisia, CPC, d. 602, Ben Ayed affair, note on Ben Ayed, May 13, 1913.

64. Ganiage, Les origines du protectorat français, 183.

65. Yavel Harouvi, “Les conflits autour du testament du Caïd Nessim Scemama d’après quelques sources hébraïques,” in Entre Orient et Occident. Juifs et musulmans en Tunisie, ed. Denis Cohen-Tannoudji (Paris: Éd. de l’Éclat, 2007), 144 – 47.

66. ANT, c. 11, d. 113, doc. 8808, David Santillana to the secretary-general to the Tunisian government, Florence, August 22, 1887; doc. 8805, document on the review of the documents and papers of the Ḥusayn estate, Florence, August 18, 20, and 21, 1887.

67. ANT, c. 11, d. 99, doc. 3, ʿAmr Bū Ḥājib’s reply, June 18, 1891.

68. Jocelyne Dakhlia and Bernard Vincent, eds., Les musulmans dans l’histoire de l’Europe (Paris: Albin Michel, 2011); Nabil Matar, Islam in Britain, 1558 – 1685 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).

69. MAE (La Courneuve), Tunisia, CPC, d. 602, Ben Ayed affair, note on Ben Ayed, May 13, 1913.

70. Abdelhamid Larguèche, “Nasîm Shammamâ : un caïd face à lui-même et face aux autres,” in Juifs et musulmans en Tunisie. Fraternité et déchirements, ed. Sonia Fellous (Paris: Somogy, 2003), 143 – 57, here p. 145.

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73. ANT, c. 11, d. 113, doc. 8850, David Santillana to Régnault, secretary-general to the Tunisian government, Florence, October 16, 1887.

74. Michael Gilsenan, “Translating Colonial Fortunes: Dilemmas of Inheritance in Muslim and English Laws across a Nineteenth-Century Diaspora,” Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 31, no. 2 (2011): 355 – 71.

75. Isabelle Grangaud and Nicolas Michel, introduction to “L’identification. Des origines de l’islam au xixe siècle,” special issue, Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée 127 (2010): 13 – 27; Vincent Denis, Une histoire de l’identité. France, 1715 – 1815 (Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 2008).

76. ANT, c. 11, d. 97, doc. 16, letter to Giaccomo Guttierez: he is asked to mark it with a seal or a stamp (tatbaʾ) to authenticate (fī shaʾn taḥqīq) the accounts; Michael Gilsenan, “Possessed of Documents: Hybrid Laws and Translated Texts in the Hadhrami Diaspora,” in Ethnographies of Islam: Ritual Performances and Everyday Practices, ed. Baudoin Dupret etal. (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2012), 186.

77. ANT, c. 11, d. 99, doc. 3, ʿAmr Bū Ḥājib’s reply, June 18, 1891, fol. 17, “by transferring this copy, we are opening a door [nufatiḥu al-bāb ʿalā al-nās] that it will be difficult to shut.”

78. Ḥusayn, Rasāʾil, vol. 1, letter 90, September 6, 1873, p. 201; Livorno, Biblioteca Labronica, (hereafter “BL”), Michel Ersilio collection, Lettera del generale Heussein agli onorevoli avvocati componenti il collegio della difesa del governo di Tunis (traduzione dall’arabo) (Florence: Ricci, 1880), 25.

79. Aḥmad al-ṭawīlī, Al-G˘inirāl Ḥusayn: ḥayātuhu wa-āthāruhu (Tunis: Baladīyat Tūnis, 1994), 22. Ḥusayn financed the first official Tunisian newspaper, al-Rāʾid al-Tūnisī, from 1859, as well as the projects of the scholar and journalist Aḥmad Fāris al-Shidyāq between Tunis and Istanbul. He also sponsored al-ʿUrwa al-Wuthqā, a journal published in Paris by the reformist Muslims Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī and Muḥammad ʿAbduh: MAE (Nantes), 227 PO/1/100 bis, Ḥusayn estate, 1887 – 1889, inventory of papers, letters, and registers of the Ḥusayn estate, October 29 – November 1887, fol. 103v, “Photographie d’engagement en date du 23 chaoual 1300, par lequel Hussein subventionne un journal arabe que fera publier Brahim Elmosselhi.” His friend, the Muslim scholar Bayram al-Khāmis founded the newspaper al-Iʿlām in Egypt.

80. Ḥusayn, Rasāʾil, vol. 1.

81. Muhammad Bayram al-Khāmis, Tarjama Muḥammad Bayram al-Khāmis fī ṣafwat al-Iʿtibār bi-mustawdaʿ al-amṣār waal-aqṭār (Carthage: Bayt al-Ḥikma, 1989); Muḥammad al-Sanūsī, al-Riḥla al-Ḥijāziya, ed. Alī al-Shannūfī (1900; repr. Tunis: al-Sharika al-Tūnisiya li-al-Tawzīʿ, 1976); Anne-Laure Dupont, “De la demeure du Califat aux ‘découvertes parisiennes.’ Muhammad al-Sanûsî (1851 – 1900), un lettré réformiste tunisien à l’épreuve du protectorat français,” in Penser, agir et vivre dans l’Empire ottoman et en Turquie, ed. Erdal Kaynar and Nathalie Clayer (Louvain: Peeters, 2013), 47 – 65.

82. Ḥusayn contributed to the collective writing of the essay attributed to his protector, the Mamluk dignitary Khayr al-Dīn, on the “surest way to know the state of nations” (Kitāb aqwām al-masālik fī maʿrifat aḥwāl al-Mamālik): Ḥusayn, Rasāʾil, vol. 1, p. 16.

83. Mongi Smida, Khereddine : ministre réformateur, 1873 – 1877 (Tunis: Maison tunisienne de l’édition, 1971); Brown, The Tunisia of Ahmad Bey; Gerard S. Van Krieken, Khayr al-Dīn et la Tunisie, 1850 – 1881 (Leiden: Brill, 1976).

84. Ḥusayn, Rasāʾil, vol. 2, letter 169, November 28, 1877, p. 149. In 1877, when Khayr al-Dīn was removed from the post of chief vizier that he had occupied for four years, Ḥusayn lamented the “desire of people [murād al-qawm] … to get rid of the Mamluks.”

85. Ismail Warscheid, “Traduire le social en normatif : la justice islamique dans le grand Touat (Sahara algérien) au xviiie siècle” (PhD diss., Ehess, 2014), 268 – 70.

86. ANT, c. 11, d. 109, doc. 8047, Ḥusayn Ibn ʿAbdallāh to Prime Minister Muṣṭafā b. Ismāʿīl, December 19, 1879.

87. Moncef Fakhfakh, Sommaire des registres administratifs et fiscaux aux archives nationales tunisiennes (Tunis: Archives nationales tunisiennes, 1990).

88. Aymes, Un grand progrès sur le papier, 96.

89. Bargaoui, “Les titres fonciers,” 168 – 69 and 180.

90. Warscheid, “Traduire le social en normatif,” 128.

91. Allan Christelow, Muslim Law Courts and the French Colonial State in Algeria (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 23.

92. James McDougall, History and the Culture of Nationalism in Algeria (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Augustin Jomier, “Les réseaux étendus d’un archipel saharien. Les circulations de lettrés ibadites (xviie siècle – années 1950),” Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine 63, no. 2 (2016): 14 – 39.

93. Johansen, “Formes de langage et fonctions publiques.”

94. Raphaëlle Branche, “‘Au temps de la France.’ Identités collectives et situation coloniale en Algérie,” Vingtième Siècle. Revue d’histoire 117, no. 1 (2013): 199 – 213, here pp. 205 and 213.

95. Benton, “Colonial Law and Cultural Difference”; Lewis, Divided Rule.

96. ANT, c. 11, d. 100, doc. 7675, excerpt from the inventory of papers and documents of the Ḥusayn estate, addressed to the administration of the civil court of Tunis, final session, March 1, 1890: “Omar Bouhajeb holds all the acts and registers and has not presented them to the court administration.”

97. Al-Qādir Vaḥḥah, Al-Ḥaraka al-iṣlāḥiyya al-zaytūniyya, 386.

98. Rifaat Ali Abou-El-Haj, “The Ottoman Vezir and Paşa Households 1683 – 1703: A Preliminary Report,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 94, no. 4 (1974): 438 – 47; Jane Hathaway, The Politics of Households in Ottoman Egypt: The Rise of the Qazdağlis (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997).

99. Kmar Bendana, Histoire et culture dans la Tunisie contemporaine, 2002 – 2012 (Tunis: Manouba University, 2015), 34 – 38, 70 – 71, and 99 – 109.

100. Daniel Nordman, “Of Space and Time: On a History of Morocco,” Annales HSS (English Edition) 71, no. 4 (2016): 583 – 607, here pp. 585 – 86, citing Mohamed Lazhar Gharbi, “L’historiographie tunisienne de la période moderne et contemporaine et le problème de la périodisation,” in Itinéraire d’un historien et d’une historiographie, ed. Abdelhamid Hénia (Tunis: Centre de publication universitaire, 2008), 177 – 86.

101. ANT, c. 11, d. 113, doc. 8907, French consul in Florence to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, November 11, 1887; ṭawīlī, Al-Jinirāl Ḥusayn, 292; Jean-Louis Bacqué-Grammont and Aksel Tibet, eds., Cimetières et traditions funéraires dans le monde islamique (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1996), 215.

102. Muḥammad Maḥfūdh, Tarājim al-muʾallifīn al-Tūnisiyyīn (Beirut: Dār al-Gharb al-Islāmī, 1982), 67; al-Hādī Jallāb, “ʿAlī Bāsh Ḥānba, 1876 – 1918” (Tunis: Ministère de l’Enseignement supérieur, 2005), 15; Aix-en-Provence, Archives nationales d’outre-mer (National archives of France’s overseas territories), series 25 H, Tunisia.

103. Polat Safi, “The Ottoman Special Organization—Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa: An Inquiry into Its Operation and Administrative Characteristics” (MA diss., University Bilkent-Ankara, 2012), 10 – 11.

104. Moncef Chenoufi, “Les deux séjours de Muhammad ʿAbduh en Tunisie,” Les cahiers de Tunisie 16 (1968): 57 – 96; Mustapha Kraïem, “Au sujet des incidences des deux séjours de Muhammad ʿAbduh en Tunisie,” Revue d’histoire maghrébine 3 (1975): 91 – 94.

105. Kenneth J. Perkins, “‘The Masses Look Ardently to Istanbul’: Tunisia, Islam, and the Ottoman Empire, 1837 – 1931,” in Islamism and Secularism in North Africa, ed. John Ruedy (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1994), 23 – 36; Abdeljelil Témimi, “Importance de l’héritage arabo-ottoman et son impact sur les relations arabo-turques,” Revue d’histoire maghrébine 74 (1994): 123 – 34; Dupont, “De la demeure du Califat aux ‘découvertes parisiennes,’” 47 – 65.

106. Jallāb, “ʿAlī Bāsh Ḥānba,” 15.