In a famous letter to his missionaries in England, Pope Gregory the Great suggested that the newly converted Anglo-Saxons should be encouraged to build small huts, or ‘tabernacula’, in conjunction with Christian festivals. He seems to have associated these structures with the Jewish festival of Sukkot, reflecting a missionary strategy modelled on both the biblical conversion of the Israelites and on Gregory's own proselytizing approach towards the Jews of Rome. Gregory's instructions are discussed in the light of historical writings and archaeological evidence, which suggest that ‘tabernacula’ were indeed constructed in England during the conversion period, possibly adapted from pre-Christian Anglo-Saxon ritual structures.

A re-examination of the evidence on which the life of Aldhelm can be reconstructed. Attention is focussed initially on Aldhelm's links with the royal family of Wessex, and the relationship between the West Saxon and Northumbrian royal houses is used to throw light on the period in Aldhelm's early life when he was fostered along with Aldfrith on Iona. The same relationship is reflected thereafter in Aldhelm's ties with Aldfrith as king of Northumbria, and Aldhelm's fosterage on Iona is reflected in aspects of his later literary activity. His period with Theodore and Hadrian (after 670) is illuminated by his familiarity with texts known to have been studied at Canterbury, and the length of Aldhelm's period of study there is extended by reconsideration of the date of his appointment as abbot of Malmesbury. Evidence also suggests that, while abbot, Aldhelm accompanied the West Saxon king Ceadwalla to Rome (688), and made a careful study of Latin inscriptions while there. An Appendix supplies a revised chronology of the composition of Aldhelm's Latin writings.

In the metrical preface to his Enigmata, Aldhelm of Malmesbury denies that he has had anything to do with the Muses. While this gesture connects him to his Christian Latin predecessors (and, less directly, to the pagan poets as well), the unique elements of Aldhelm's poem suggest that he is also drawing upon a native tradition of poetry that valued technical skill above lofty subject-matter. By portraying the Muses within this Germanic framework as useless, rather than dangerous, Aldhelm's rejection enabled his successors to employ the Muses, and other Classical allusions, as harmless decorative elements in their verse.

Reviving an argument of 1849, Tom Shippey has lately maintained that the dynasty name ‘Merovingian’ in Beowulf furnishes a firm criterion for attributing an early date to the poem. He contends, using an electronic database, that a deliberate damnatio memoriae caused the name ‘Merovingian’ to fade soon after the dynasty was deposed (751); its occurrence is therefore a terminus ad quem. This article shows that the Carolingians took pains to affirm continuity with their predecessors. The first Frankish dynasty was not condemned to oblivion. Its name was well known in the ninth century and occurs repeatedly in later historiography.

Scholars have long disputed whether or not Beowulf reflects the influence of Classical Latin literature. This essay examines the motif of the ‘poisoned place’ present in a range of texts known to the Anglo-Saxons, most famously represented by Avernus in the Aeneid. While Grendel's mere presents the best-known poisonous locale in Old English poetry, another is found in the dense and enigmatic poem Solomon and Saturn II. The relationship between these poems is discussed beside a consideration of the possibility that their use of the ‘Avernian tradition’ points to the influence of Latin epic on their Anglo-Saxon authors.

The use of demonstrative behaviour in political communication in the tenth and eleventh centuries (for example, proskynesis to obtain pardon) has been examined extensively over the last two decades, especially with regard to Ottonian and Salian Germany. So far, however, there has been no attempt to study its operation in Anglo-Saxon England. This paper aims to do so, looking for examples in narrative sources of demonstrative piety, reactions to rebellion, arbitration, petition and so on, and exploring how far the Anglo-Saxons were influenced by their continental neighbours and how far narrative sources themselves might have transmitted ideas.

After a period of sustained viking pressure, from 991 to 1005, the English had to endure two major raids in quick succession: the attack by ‘the great fleet’ in 1006–7, and the attack by ‘the immense raiding army’, also known as ‘Thorkell's army’, in 1009–12. This article reviews the impact of these raids on the English people, as reflected in the writings of Ælfric, abbot of Eynsham, and Wulfstan, archbishop of York, with reference at the same time to Æthelred's programme of prayer (VII Æthelred), devised by the king and his councillors in 1009, to the Agnus Dei coinage, and to the appearance of distinctive chrismons in charters. It is also suggested that Wulfstan's Sermo ad Anglos originated during these tumultuous years.

The village recluse, avowed to remain in his or her cell, was a feature of the later medieval landscape, but in what circumstances did recluses and the notion of a distinct reclusive vocation emerge? Examining the earliest recluses identifiable, this article contends that reclusion as such, though not without precedent, gained popularity in England in the third quarter of the eleventh century and acquired a terminology (already current on the Continent) in its last third as an expression of the ascetic movement within the emerging parish.