Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-vdxz6 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-30T21:45:15.716Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

England and Aquitaine in the century before the Norman Conquest

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 September 2008

George Beech
George Beech
Affiliation:
Western Michigam University
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

A commonplace among English historians today is the importance of English ties with Aquitaine during the later Middle Ages. For some three centuries, historical events came to link the destinies of these two countries and peoples who otherwise differed strikingly in economy, language and culture in general, with lasting consequences for both. It has long been taken for granted by both English and French historians that this association came about abruptly in the 1150s as a result of the ascent to the English throne of Henry of Anjou who, through his marriage to Eleanor, heiress of the duchy of Aquitaine, became the sovereign of that enormous territorial principality. Till the present no one has suspected that any significant ties existed between the Anglo-Saxons and Aquitanians prior to that time. To be sure, the Anglo-Saxons had been in contact with the late Carolingian kings in the tenth century and with the Normans in the eleventh, but those were purely northern French phenomena. So too were the important Anglo-Saxon relations with the monks of Fleury-sur-Loire in the later tenth and early eleventh centuries, but these were not known to have had any repercussions in Aquitaine far to the south.

Type
Research Article
Information
Anglo-Saxon England , Volume 19 , December 1990 , pp. 81 - 101
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1990

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 For instance, Levison, W. does not mention Aquitaine at all in his England and the Continent in the Eighth Century (Oxford, 1946)Google Scholar. Stenton, F.M. makes a single reference to the contact, central to the argument of this paper, between Duke William the Great of Aquitaine and King Cnut of England in the 1020s; see his Anglo-Saxon England, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1971), p. 407Google Scholar.

2 See the essays of Wormald, P., John, E. and Lawson, M. K., in Anglo-Saxons, ed. Campbell, J. (Oxford, 1982), pp. 101–31Google Scholar, 132–57, 160–9, 171–91 and 192–213.

3 Beech, G., ‘The Participation of Aquitanians in the Conquest of England 1066–1100’, Anglo-Norman Studies IX, ed. Brown, R.A. (Woodbridge, 1987), pp. 1–24.Google Scholar

4 ‘Solebant illis temporibus multi peregrini de Aquitannia, de Hibernia, ac de aliis terris plurimis huc venire, quos omnes iste [prior Alfric of Evesham] suspiciens necessaria præbebat.’ Chronicon Abbatiæ de Evesham, ed. Macray, W.D., RS (London, 1863), p. 91.Google Scholar

5 Darlington, R.R., ‘Æthelwig, Abbot of Evesham’, EHR 48 (1933), 1–22 and 177–98, at 10CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Dr Howard Clarke of University College, Dublin, informs me that this is the only reference to Aquitaine in the Evesham archives.

6 Knowles, D., The Monastic Order in England: a History of its Development from the Times of St Dunstan to the Fourth Lateran Council 940–1216, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1963), pp. 74–8, 159–61, and 481–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lapidge, M., ‘Dominic of Evesham, “Vita S. Ecgwini episcopi et confessoris”’, AB 96 (1978), 65–104.Google Scholar

7 On St Wigstan's relics, see Rollason, D., ‘The Cults of Murdered Royal Saints in Anglo-Saxon England’, ASE 11 (1983), 1–22, at 5–9Google Scholar; on those of St Odulf, see Buijtenen, M.P., Langs de Heiligenweg (Amsterdam, 1977), pp. 30–55.Google Scholar

8 Lapidge, M., ‘Byrhtferth and the Vita S. Ecgwini’, MS 41 (1979), 331–53.Google Scholar

9 The various French liturgical manuscripts analyzed by the abbé V. Leroquais contain no references to the cult of St Ecgwine in France.

10 ‘Immo Hispaniae regem Adefonsum, regemque Navarrae Santium, necnon et regem Danamarchorum et Anglorum nomine Canotum, ita sibi summo favore devinxerat, ut singulis annis legationes eorum exciperet pretiosis cum muneribus ipseque pretiosiora eis remitteret munera.’ Adémar of Chabannes, Chronique, ed. Chavanon, J. (Paris, 1897), p. 163.Google Scholar

11 ‘Apud ipsam quoque Anglorum gentem cui Gregorius institutiones ecclesiasticas primus plantavit, probavit Martialem esse ab antiquitate scriptum in numero aliorum apostolorum. Nam et nuper illius gentis rex codicem litteris aureis scriptum Aquitaniae Duci cum aliis muneribus direxit qui in serie beati Petri et aliorum apostolorum Martialem continet scriptum.’ Sermon of Adémar of Chabannes, PL 141, col. 122.

12 ‘Hoc idem in aliis illius gentis vetustissimis voluminibus ipsis oculis probavimus’. Ibid.

13 Callaghan, D., ‘The Sermons of Adémar of Chabannes and the Cult of Saint-Martial of Limoges’, RB 86 (1976), 251–95.Google Scholar

14 ‘Ecce duo sacerdotes ex fratribus nostris coram adsunt, quos olim hac ipsa de causa in Britanniam misi, ut Anglorum a Gregorio, ut reor, praefixam legem annosam diligentius perscrutarentur, et omni submoto mendacio ad nos referrent. Qui cum ad Anglos pervenissent, tam in martyrologiis eorum, quam in litaniis Martialem ab antiquitate reperiebant apostolum scriptum. Ad quoddam autem magnum devenientes monasterium in quo primus Anglorum episcopus requiescit corpore Augustinus (compererunt enim ibi non haberi librum de actibus beati Martialis) per litanias tamen atque martyrologia in eodem loco invenerunt eumdem patronum nomine apostolico decoratum…’ Mansi, J.D., Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio (Venice, 1767) XIX, 515Google Scholar. The passage is too long to quote in its entirety here.

15 Ibid. col. 521.

16 Callahan, , ‘Sermons of Adémar’. F. Wormald, ‘English Saints in the Litany in Arundel Ms. 60’, AB 64 (1946), 72–86, at 85.Google Scholar

17 Ibid.

18 Larson, L. M., Canute the Great 995 (circa)–1035 and the Rise of Danish Imperialism during the Viking Age (New York, 1912), pp. 264–7Google Scholar. See also Christiansen, E., ‘Canute and his World’, History Today 36 (11, 1986), 34–9.Google Scholar

19 Larson, , Canute the Great, pp. 169–76Google Scholar; Matthew, D., The Norman Monasteries and their English Possessions (Oxford, 1962), pp. 19–20.Google Scholar

20 Barlow, F., The English Church 1000–1066. A History of the Later Anglo-Saxon Church, 2nd ed. (London, 1979), p. 19Google Scholar. The Letters and Poems of Fulbert of Chartres, ed. Behrends, F. (Oxford, 1976), pp. 66–8.Google Scholar

21 Richard, A., Histoire des comtes de Poitou 778–1204 (Paris, 1903) 1, 208–9Google Scholar. Utters of Fulbert, ed. Behrends, , pp. 90–2 and 115–19.Google Scholar

22 Larson, , Canute the Great, pp. 224–30.Google Scholar

23 Richard, , Histoire des Comtes de Poitou I, 176, n. 2Google Scholar. Corpus des Inscriptions de la France Médiévale, ed. Favreau, R. and Michaud, J., I. Poitou-Charente, pt 1 (Poitiers, 1974), 95–6Google Scholar. Ginot, E., ‘Le manuscrit de Sainte-Radegonde de Poitiers et ses peintures du Xle siécle’, Bulletin de la Société Française de reproductions des manuscrits à peintures 43 (1914–1920), 9–75, at 30–1.Google Scholar

24 ‘Anno MXLVIIII kalendis novembris, dedicatum est monasterium Sancti Hylarii Pictavensis; cui consecrationi iterum fuerunt archiepiscopi et episcopi circa xiii. Extitit autem et hec dedicatio admirabilis amore patroni nostri beati Hilarii. Istud monasterium magna ex parte construxerat regina Anglorum, per manus Gauterii Coorlandi. Agnes comitissa, que eum iussit dedicare, plurimam partem construxit.’ La chronique de Saint-Maixent 751–1140, ed. Verdon, J. (Paris, 1979), p. 126.Google Scholar

25 For the most recent discussion of the question, see Camus, M.-T., ‘La reconstruction de Saint-Hilaire le Grand de Poitiers à l'époque romane’, CCM 25 (1982), 101–20 and 239–71, at 107–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

26 The fact that it was the Poitevin countess Agness, daughter of William the Great, who took over the completion and then dedication of the church in 1049, suggests that reconstruction began before she became a political power in Aquitaine after the death of her father in 1030. This would mean that it began prior to 1030, that is, at a time when Emma was queen of England. See Richard, Histoire des Comtes I, 221 and 225.

27 de Lasteyrie, C.-F., L'abbaye de Saint-Martial de Limoges (Paris, 1901), p. 294.Google Scholar

28 Ibid. pp. 75 and 351.

29 See above, pp. 84–5.

30 Chronicon Evesham, ed. Macray, , pp. 74–5 and 83.Google Scholar

31 English Kalendars before A.D. 1100, ed. Wormald, F., HBS 72 (London, 1934).Google Scholar

32 Glastonbury: Leofric Missal (Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley 579), ptd Wormald, no. 4. Ely: Missal of Robert of Jumièges, not in Wormald but edited by H. A. Wilson, HBS 11 (London, 1896). Evesham: Oxford, Bodleian Library, Hatton 113, ptd Wormald no. 16. Worcester: Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 391, ptd Wormald no. 17.

33 Das altenglische Martyrologium, ed. Kotzor, G., Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-Hist. Klasse, Abhandlungen, Neue Folge, 88.1–2 (Munich, 1981)Google Scholar. Aigrain's article on the cult of St Radegund in England is based largely on Brittain, F., St. Radegond, Patroness of Jesus College Cambridge (Cambridge, 1925)Google Scholar, and deals with the later medieval period: Aigrain, R., ‘Un ancien poème anglais sur la vie de Sainte-Radegonde et le culte de Sainte-Radegonde en Angleterre’, Eludes mérovingiennes. Actes des journées de Poitiers, 1–3 Mai 1952 (Paris, 1953), pp. 2–9Google Scholar. Since Bede's Martyrologium is incomplete for St Radegund's feastday, 13 August, it is uncertain whether she is included or not. Quentin, H., Les martyrologes historiques du moyen age. Etude sur la formation du Martyrologe romain (Paris, 1908), p. 46.Google Scholar

34 English Kalendars before 1100, ed. Wormald, , pp. 227 and 213.Google Scholar

35 Taylor, H.M., Anglo-Saxon Architecture III (Cambridge, 1978), 1014–17.Google Scholar

36 See above, n. 4.

37 See above, p. 89.

38 Thomas, C., A Provisional List of Imported Pottery in Post-Roman Western Britain and Ireland, Inst. of Cornish Stud. (Redruth, 1981), pp. 1–31Google Scholar, at 20. Piggott, S., ‘Les relations entre l'ouest de la France et les îles Britanniques dans la préhistoire’, Annales du Midi 65 (1953), 5–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

39 ‘De vestimento Sancte Radegundis Virginis’ (Liber Vitae: Register and Martyrology of New Minster and Hyde Abbey Winchester, ed. Birch, W. de G., Hampshire Record Soc. (London and Winchester, 1892) p. 149).Google Scholar

40 Of these five only the Arundel Psalter, London, British Library, Arundel 60, has been published. Wormald, F., ‘The English Saints’, p. 82Google Scholar. I am grateful to Michael Lapidge for informing me of the other four, all unpublished, but catalogued in his article, ‘Litanies of the Saints in Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts’, Scriptorium 40 (1986), 264–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In his list these litanies have the following numbers: Exeter (no. 22), s. ximed, BL, Cotton Vitellius A. vii, fols 1–112; Winchcombc (no. 28), s. x2, Orleans, Bibl. Mun. 127 (105); ?Winchester, ?Ramsey (no. 24), s. xex, BL, Harley 2904; unknown English location (no. 5), s. ix2, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 272.

41 BL, Add. 11880, s. ix, fols. 71–85; Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, McLean 100, s. xi, fols. 86–8, a fragment of French origin; and BL, Harley 649, s. xii, fols. 99ff. Based on Levison, W., Conspectus Codicum Hagiographicorum, MGH, SS rer. Merov. 7 (Hannover and Leipzig, 1920) nos. 305 (p. 606), 133 (p. 573) and 295 (p. 603)Google Scholar. Helmut Gneuss does not include either of the first two in ‘A Preliminary List of Manuscripts written or owned in England up to 1100’, ASE 9 (1981), 1–60.Google Scholar

42 Thirteen of the twenty calendars prior to 1100 edited by Wormald show commemoration of St Hilary's feastday; see English Kalendars before 1100, ed. Wormald, pp. 2, 16, 100, 128, 142, 156, 170, 184, 198, 212, 226, 240 and 254.

43 See above, p. 87, n. 24.

44 The Old English Martyrology commemorates St Hilary's feast day; see Das altenglische Martyrologium, ed. Kotzor II, 15.

45 Oxford, Fell n. 4, s. xi, fols. 47–51 (Gneuss, ‘A Preliminary List’, no. 625); BL, Cotton Nero A.i, vol. 1, s. xii, fol. 85; BL, Cotton Tiberius D. iv, s. xii; Lincoln, Cathedral Library, B. 1. 9, s. xii; BL, Arundel 36, s. xiii, fols 49–50; BL, Harley 2800, s. xiii, fols. 39–42; London, Lambeth Palace, 94, s. xiii/xiv, fols. 77–81. See Levison, Conspectus, nos. 440 (p. 632); 286 (p. 601), 284 (p. 601), 276 (p. 598), 290 (p. 602–3), 296 (p. 603) and 317 (p. 609).

46 See above, p. 85, n. 13.

47 Once again I am grateful to Michael Lapidge for telling me of the inclusion of St Martial in these mainly unpublished litanies. The following references are taken from his article ‘Litanies of the Saints’, pp. 264–77. Manuscripts listing St Martial as an apostle: St Augustine's Canterbury, s. x/xi, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 411 (Lapidge, no. 7); Bury St Edmunds, s. xi1, Vatican City, Bibl. Ap. Vat., Reg. lat. 12 (no. 45); Worcester, s. ximed, Oxford, Bodleian Library, Laud Misc. 482 (S.C. 1054) (no. 34); Winchcombe, s. xi med, Cambridge, Univ. Library. Ff. 1. 23 (the Cambridge Psalter) (no. 1); St Augustine's Canterbury, s. xi1, Rouen, Bibl. Mun. 274 (Y.6) (the ‘Missal of Robert of Jumièges’) (no. 40); unknown English location, ximed, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, lat. 8824 (no. 36). Manuscripts listing St Martial as confessor: Christ Church Canterbury, s. xi1, London, BL, Arundel 155 (no. 13); Sherborne or Salisbury, s. xi2, BL, Cotton Tiberius C. i., fols. 43–203 (no. 19); ?St Augustine's Canterbury, s. xiex, Rouen, Bibl. Mun. 231 (A.44) (no. 39); ?Winchester ?Ramsey, s. xex, BL, Harley 2904 (no. 24).

48 St Martial is included in seven of the eighteen calendars edited by Wormald for the period after 1100: see English Benedictine Calendars after 1100, ed. Wormald, F., HBS 77 (London, 1939)Google Scholar, nos. 3, 4, 7, 11, 14 and 18.

49 The Life of St Martial of Limoges by Aurelianus from a Manuscript in the British Museum, ed. de G. Birch, W. (London, 1877), p. 6.Google Scholar

50 Cartulaire de Conques, ed. Desjardins, G. (Paris, 1879), nos. 14 and 15, pp. 16–21.Google Scholar

51 Stevenson, W.H., ‘An Alleged Son of King Harold Harefoot’, EHR 38 (1913), 112–17.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

52 The earliest English pilgrims to Santiago are from around 1100: see Lomax, D. W., ‘The First English Pilgrims to Santiago de Compostela’, Studies in Medieval History presented to R.H.C. Davis, ed. Mayr-Harting, H. and Moore, R.H. (London, 1985), pp. 165–75.Google Scholar

53 Cartulaire de Conques, ed. Desjardins, , nos. 497 (p. 359)Google Scholar, 516 (pp. 368–9), 519 (p. 370), 520 (pp. 370–1) and 522 (pp. 371–2).

54 I am grateful to Michael Lapidge for telling me of the tomb of Edith at La Chaise-Dieu.

55 Gardon, F., Histoire de l' abbaye de la Chaise-Dieu, written in the early seventeenth century and published by Antoine Jacotin (Le Puy, 1912), pp. 22–3Google Scholar. Pierre-Roger Gaussin reviews briefly the relationship between La Chaise-Dieu and Queen Edith in his L' Abbaye de la Chaise-Dieu (1043–1518). L'abbaye en Auvergne et son rayonnement dans la Chrétienté (Paris, 1962), pp. 126–7Google Scholar. Here he also cites the opening line of a hymn sung for Queen Edith, taken from BN, lat. 12745, fol. 60: ‘Quaesumus, Domine, ora pro regina Angliae famula tua Editha.’

56 Dictionnaire des Eglises de France, Belgique, Luxembourg, Suisse, II, Centre et Sud-Est (Paris, 1964) II B 32.Google Scholar

57 Branche, D., L' Auvergne au Moyen Age. I. Les monastères (Clermont, 1842), p. 455Google Scholar, argued for the queen of Edward the Confessor. Paul, G., ‘La reine Edith à La Chaise-Dieu’, Terre Vellave et Brivadoise, 1928Google Scholar, no. 4, preferred Edith of the Swan's Neck. I have not yet been able to see either of these works.

58 Cutler, K.E., ‘Edith Queen of England 1045–66’, MS 35 (1973), 222–31Google Scholar, at 231.

59 This is a preliminary conclusion based on a perusal of the printed materials available to me now, and is the first step in a full examination of the question. E. A. Freeman gives references to original sources on Ealdgyth, queen of King Harold, in his The History of the Norman Conquest of England: its Causes and its Effects II, 2nd ed. (London, 1870), 416 and 658–61Google Scholar; III (London, 1869), 261, n. 1, 511 and 525; IV (London, 1871), 143, 317, 588 and 754–7.

60 Lapidge, M., ‘A Frankish Scholar in Tenth-Century England: Frithegod of Canterbury/ Fredegaud of Brioude’, ASE 17 (1988), 45–65Google Scholar. It is not certain where Frithegod came from, and Dr Lapidge calls him a Frank; but if Brioude was his home he certainly was Aquitanian.

61 Lafaurie, J., ‘Le trésor monétaire du Puy (Haute-Loire). Contribution à l'étude de la monnaie de la fin du Xe siècle’, Revue numismatique, 5th ser. 14 (1952), 59–169, at 67. Reference from Mark Blackburn.Google Scholar

62 Thomas, , A Provisional List of Imported Pottery, p. 20Google Scholar. Hodges, R., ‘Some Early Medieval French Wares in the British Isles: an Archaeological Assessment of the Early French Wine Trade with Britain’, Pottery and Early Commerce. Characterization and Trade in Roman and Later Ceramics, ed. Peacock, D.P.S. (New York, 1977), pp.239–55Google Scholar, at 252.

63 Ibid. p. 249.

64 Biddle, M. and Barclay, K., ‘Winchester Ware’, Medieval Pottery from Excavations: Studies presented to Gerald Clough Dunning with a Bibliography of his Works, ed. Evison, V.I., Hodges, H. and Hurst, J.G. (London, 1974), pp. 137–65, at 152.Google Scholar

65 Perrier, J., ‘A propos du trésor monétaire médiéval du Dorat’, Bulletin de la Société Archéologique et Historique du Limousin 108 (1981), 185–6Google Scholar. Only sixteen of an estimated 120–50 coins were ever described, but all are Anglo-Saxon, thus suggesting that the entire hoard, or the greater part of it, was English. The coins include one of Alfred the Great, three of Edward the Elder, seven of Athelstan, two of Edmund, one of Eadred and one of Plegmund, archbishop of Canterbury, giving a probable date of deposit in the 950s. It seems quite possible that two Anglo-Saxon sceattas of unknown origin acquired by the historical society of Poitiers in the nineteenth century came from other unrecorded coin finds in the region, and may be evidence for direct contact with England. Prou, M., ‘Monnaies mérovingiennes et anglo-saxonnes appartenant à la Société des Antiquaires de l'ouest’, Bulletin de la Sociét´ des Antiquaires de l'ouest, 2nd ser. 8 (1879), no. 1, pp. 247 and 248Google Scholar. I am grateful to Mark Blackburn of the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, for clarification on these points.

66 See above, p. 87 and n. 24. Harvey, J., Medieval Architects: a Biographical Dictionary including Master Masons, Carpenters, Carvers, Building Contractors, and others responsible for Design, 2nd ed. (Gloucester, 1987), p. 69.Google Scholar

67 Camus, M.-T., ‘La construction de Saint-Hilaire’, p. 263Google Scholar. Gem, R.D.H., ‘The Romanesque Rebuilding of Westminster Abbey’, Proceedings of the Battle Conference on Anglo-Norman Studies III (1980), ed. Brown, R. A. (Woodbridge, 1981), pp. 33–60Google Scholar, also noted the resemblance but did not take a position on any possible borrowing.

68 Fernie, E.The Architecture of the Anglo-Saxons (London, 1983), p. 159Google Scholar. Gem, R. has expressed doubts about this, in his ‘L'architecture pré-romane et romane en Angleterre: problèmes d'origine et de chronologie’, Bulletin Monumental 142 (1984), 233–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 251.

69 See above, p. 85 and n. 14.

70 The other two were monks of La Sauve Majeure, near Bordeaux, who acquired Burwell priory in Lincolnshire, and those of Conques at Horsham-St Faith in Norfolk. Trabut-Cussac, J.P., ‘Les possessions anglaises de l'abbaye de la Sauve Majeure. Le Prieuré de Burwell, Linc.’, Bulletin Philologique et Historique jusqu'a 1715, Congrès National des Sociétés Savantes, 82e Congrès, Bordeaux 1957 (Paris, 1958), pp. 137–83. On Conques, see above, p. 94, n. 53.Google Scholar

71 Beech, G., ‘Aquitanians and Flemings in the Refoundation of Bardney Abbey (Lincolnshire) in the Later Eleventh Century’, Haskins Soc. Jnl 1 (1989), 73–90.Google Scholar

72 BL, Add. 34980. Ginot, E., ‘Le manuscrit de Sainte-Radegonde’, pp. 58–60Google Scholar. Goldschmidt, A., ‘English Influence on Medieval Art of the Continent’, Medieval Studies in Memory of Arthur K. Porter, ed. Koehler, W. R. (Cambridge, MA, 1939) II, 709–20Google Scholar, at 710–11. Sauvel, T., ‘A propos d'une exposition récente. Les manuscrits poitevins ornés de peintures’, Bulletin de la Société des Antiquaires de l'ouest 4th ser. 5 (1955), 257–71Google Scholar, at 269.

73 Rice, D. Talbot, English Art 871–1100 (Oxford, 1952), pp. 114–15Google Scholar. In a recent personal communication, George Henderson rejected this view in the belief that the Barnack statue dates from a later period.

74 Demus, O., La peinture murale romane (Paris, 1970), p. 34.Google Scholar

75 Henderson, G.,. ‘The Sources of the Genesis Cycle at St. Savin-sur-Gartempe’, JBAA 3rd ser. 26–7 (1963–1964), 11–26Google Scholar. Oxford, Bodleian Library, Junius 11. BL, Cotton Claudius B. iv.

76 Labande-Mailfert, Y. does not take account of Henderson's findings in her ‘Nouvelles données sur l'abbatiale de Saint-Savin. Fresques. Architecture’, CCM 14 (1971), 39–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

77 Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, p. 407. By this I do not intend to imply that English-Aquitanian relations were a new creation of Cnut and William of Aquitaine. On the contrary there is abundant evidence that the two countries had been in contact throughout most of the early Middle Ages and earlier (see, e.g., above, p. 91, n. 38) and I plan to write on the subject on another occasion. Thus it would be more appropriate to speak here of a renewal of relations.

78 Vezin, J., ‘Leofnoth: un scribe anglais à Saint-Bénoit-sur-Loire’, Codices Manuscripti 4 (1977), 109–20.Google Scholar

79 Beech, ‘Aquitanians and Flemings’.

80 Beech, , ‘Aquitanian Participation’, pp. 20–1 and 23–4.Google Scholar