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Cynewulf's traditions about the apostles in Fates of the Apostles

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 September 2008

J. E. Cross
J. E. Cross
Affiliation:
The University of Liverpool
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Extract

After almost a century of discussion of the traditions about the apostles in Cynewulf's poem it is somewhat surprising to find that some simple literary contacts have been ignored. This is true of the latest edition of the poem and of the more recent book, Sources and Analogues of Old English Poetry. In an earlier edition G. P. Krapp had chosen Bede's Martyrology as a source for Fates, but, since Dom Quentin's detailed work on historical martyrologies has excised the accretions which that martyrology has accumulated, the authentic Bede can now be left out of the discussion. In modern times it seems that two lists of apostles which preface the Hieronymian Martyrology in eighth-century manuscripts are regarded as analogues or contributory sources. These are the Notitia de locis Apostolorum (Notit.), a list of the apostles’ resting-places, in the Echternach manuscript, and the Breviarium Apostolorum (Brev.), in other manuscripts. The two tracts entitled De Ortu et Obitu Patrum in Migne's Patrologia Latina, the one normally assigned to Isidore of Seville (IO) and the other now regarded as an anonymous Hiberno-Latin tract (HLO) from the eighth century, and both including the apostles, have been considered by previous scholars. All these four works are early enough to have been consulted by Cynewulf, who is thought to have been writing in the ninth century, but none of them individually nor all of them collectively could have provided Cynewulf with all his factual details: none of them reports that James Zebedaei died ‘mid Iudeum’ (35 a) (although this fact could be assumed from Brev., IO and HLO, which state that he was killed by Herod), that Philip preached in Asia (38a), that Thomas raised Gad, the king's brother, from death and that he himself was killed by a sword (54–60), that Matthew preached in Ethiopia (64) and that a named king ‘Irtacus’ (68a) ordered him to be slain ‘wæpnum’ (69b), that Simon and Thaddeus (or Jude) went together to Persia (76b) and that they died on the same day (‘him wearð bam samod / an endedæg‘, 78b–9a). These details are all lacking in HLO, which has the least differences from Cynewulf's poem. Each of the other texts individually has other differences, Notit. having the greatest number. These abbreviated accounts, of course, merely transmit traditions about the apostles, and so it is clear that Cynewulf used different traditions for at least Philip, Thomas, Matthew and the pair Simon and Thaddeus, who are linked by Cynewulf, whereas in the other texts either they are separated or Thaddeus is not mentioned. It is possible that a curious assumption of ‘short poem, short source’ has prevented scholars from being alert to the significance of a clear clue which has long been available. In Brooks's edition we read that ‘the resurrection of Gad… is not mentioned in Bede's Martyrology, nor in the Breviarium; hence neither of these can be the sole source of the poem. A full account is given in the Apocryphal Acts of Thomas’, in other words, in the full story of Thomas's Passio. I hope to demonstrate that almost all the details about the apostles in the poem came immediately from the full stories of the Vitae or Passiones which are still extant. In my opinion it is unnecessary to consider the possibility of an abbreviated intermediary, since, as a religious of his period Cynewulf would have heard stories of the saints, including the apostles, on their feast-days, and, as we know, he had access to written accounts for two pieces for such festivals, a story of the Inventio Crucis for his poem Elene and a Vita S. Julianae for his poem under her name. He would have been remarkably inattentive, not to say undevout, if he had not recalled the few details about individual apostles from such hearing or reading.

Type
Research Article
Information
Anglo-Saxon England , Volume 8 , December 1979 , pp. 163 - 175
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1979

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References

page 163 note 1 Andreas and The Fates of the Apostles, ed. Brooks, Kenneth R. (Oxford, 1961).Google Scholar

page 163 note 2 Sources and Analogues of Old English Poetry-the Major Latin Texts in Translation, trans. M. J. B. Allen and D. G. Calder (Cambridge and Totowa, N.J., 1976).Google Scholar

page 163 note 3 Andreas and The Fates of the Apostles, ed. Krapp, George P. (Boston, 1906), pp. xxix–xxxii.Google Scholar

page 163 note 4 Quentin, H., Les Martyrologes historiques du moyen âge, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1908).Google Scholar

page 163 note 5 As noted by Hamilton, G. L., ‘The Sources of the Fates of the Apostles and Andreas’, MLN 35 (1920), 385Google Scholar. Hamilton (p. 387) points out that Krapp cites from an enlarged text of Bede's Martyrology whose passages are not authentic Bede.

page 163 note 6 Texts in Acta Sanctorum Novembris, tomi secundi, pars posterior, (Brussels, 1931): Notit., pp. 2–3Google Scholar, and Brev., pp. 3–4. Translations, Allen, and Calder, , Sources and Analogues, pp. 37–9Google Scholar. A recent paper by de Gaiffier, B., ‘Le Breviarium Apostolorum (B.H.L. 652), tradition manuscrite et oeuvres apparentées’, AB 81 (1963), 89–116Google Scholar, discusses the manuscript tradition of Brev. and compares the text with a number of others including pseudo-Abdias, De ortu et obitu Patrum (Isidore), and the Hiberno-Latin De ortu, described below.

page 163 note 7 My titles to these works are those given in Migne, Patrologia Latina, where texts are printed: for IO, PL 83, cols. 129–56, and for HLO, PL 83, cols. 1276–94. R. E. McNally, who is preparing a new edition of HLO, has commented on the text in his paper, ‘Christus in the Pseudo-Isidorean “Liber de ortu et obitu patriarchum” ’, Traditio 21 (1965), 167–83.Google Scholar He suggests (p. 168) that HLO is a sister-work of the Irish pseudc-Isidorean Liber de Numeris, since they show literal dependence on each other, and ‘both originated about the middle of the eighth century in south east Germany, probably in the wide circle of the Irish bishop of Salzburg, St Virgilius († ca. 784)’. Two manuscripts, Colmar 39, c. 775, from Murbach, and Zurich, Car. C. 123, c. 800, contain additamenta, not printed in the text used by Migne (p. 169). I have, however, seen both these manuscripts on microfilm and can say that there is no addition to the text printed in Migne relevant to the accounts of the apostles considered below.

page 164 note 1 See Sisam, K., Studies in the History of Old English Literature (Oxford, 1953), p. 7.Google Scholar

page 164 note 2 Ed. Brooks, p. 121, but see below, p. 168, n. 2, on the accepted nomenclature of the various accounts of Thomas.

page 164 note 3 See Cynewulf's Elene, ed. Gradon, P. O. E. (London, 1958), p. 15Google Scholar, and Juliana, ed. Woolf, Rosemary (London, 1955), p. 11.Google Scholar

page 165 note 1 A Dictionary of Christian Biography, ed. Smith, W. and Wace, H. (London, 1877) 1, 2Google Scholar, notes that Venantius Fortunatus wrote a poem in praise of virginity in which he alludes to a series of legends ahout the apostles, agreeing in detail with the pseudo-Abdias accounts. The verses are cited in DCB and discussed there convincingly.

page 165 note 2 Ibid. 1.3.

page 165 note 3 Venerabilis, Bedae, Expositio Actuum Apostolorum et Retractio, ed. Laistner, M. L. W. (Cambridge, Mass., 1939), Retractio 1.13, pp. 95–6, and VIII.I, p. 120.Google Scholar

page 165 note 4 Aldhelmi Opera, ed. Ehwald, R., Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auct. Antiq. 15 (Berlin, 1919)Google Scholar, De Virginitate (prose), p. 254 (John) and p. 255 (Thomas).

page 165 note 5 Codex apocrypbus Novi Testamenti, ed. Fabricius, J. A. (Hamburg, 1703; 2nd ed., 1719)Google Scholar. The first edition is cited below from the copy in University College, London.

page 165 note 6 Sanctuarium sen Vitae Sanctorum, ed. Mombritius, Boninus (c. 1480; 2nd ed., Paris, 1910).Google Scholar

page 166 note 1 It is described fully by Esposito, M., ‘Analecta Varia, part III’, Hermathena 16 (1911), 80–6Google Scholar, and also in typescript (as part of an unpublished catalogue of Trinity manuscripts) by M. Colker, University of Virginia; I have been able to see a photo-copy of this typescript, generously sent by the keeper of manuscripts. A brief description is also found in AB 46 (1928), 107–8Google Scholar. In a letter of 18 September 1976 Bernhard Bischoff, with his usual kindness, states that the early parts of the manuscript were written in Germany in the second quarter of the ninth century. The citations below are from microfilm.

page 166 note 2 Passionario Hispanico, ed. Grau, Ángel Fábrega, Monumenta Hispaniae Sacra, Serie Liturgica 6,11, texto (Madrid and Barcelona, 1955).Google Scholar

page 166 note 3 Quentin, Les Martyrologes, pp. 139–221; the date of the Martyrologe Lyonnais is given atp. 221.

page 166 note 4 It is described by E. A. Lowe, Codices Latini Antiquiores ix (Oxford, 1959), no. 1425.

page 166 note 5 Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha, pars prior, ed. R. A. Lipsius; pars alterius, volumenprius, ed. M. Bonnet (New York; repr., 1972).

page 166 note 6 An Old English Martyrology, ed. G. Herzfeld, Early Eng. Text Soc. o.s. 116 (London, 1900). The works of Ælfric and other homilists will be cited below when references are made to them.

page 166 note 7 In HLO Philip preaches first in Samaria.

page 167 note 1 The Homilies of the Anglo-Saxon Church: the First Part containing the Sermones Catholici or Homilies of Ælfric, ed. Thorpe, B., 2 vols. (London, 1844–1846) 11, 295–8Google Scholar, and OEM, ed. Herzfeld, pp. 68–70.

page 167 note 2 The information and citation from Jerome is appropriately given in the notes to the text at Momb. 11.714. The crucifixion of Philip is recorded in the Life which is included in Naples, Biblioteca Nat., XV. AA. 12: ‘tentus ab infidelibus crucifixus lapidatusque perrexit ad dominum et in ea ciuitate positum est sanctus corpus eius’ (911). The manuscript, which is dated ‘saec.x/xi’, AB 30 (1911), 200Google Scholar, is somewhat earlier than Mombritius but obviously not early enough for Cynewulf.

page 167 note 3 Ed. Brooks, p. 120.

page 167 note 4 MSS Car. C.I23 and Colmar 39, seen on microfilm (see above, p. 163, n. 7), read ‘destinans’ (Car.), ‘distinans’ (Col.) in place of Migne's ‘intimam’, to make the whole phrase correspond with Brev.

page 168 note 1 Perkins, Ruth, ‘On the Sources of the Fata Apostolorum’, MLN 32, (1917), 159–61Google Scholar, noted three differences from Bede's Martyrology (augmented) which G. P. Krapp had not recorded, including Thomas ‘lanceis transfixus’. She thought this was found in Isidore (IO?). For Cynewulf, how-ever, Thomas was killed by a sword.

page 168 note 2 In the literature on Thomas the Greek text is known as the Acta, but a Latin Passio is extant, ed. Bonnet, M., Acta Thomae (Lipsiae, 1883)Google Scholar, from four manuscripts of which the earliest is Montpellier, Bibliothèque de l'Université, H 55, now dated saec. viii–ix (see below, p. 173, n. 2). This Latin version is described by Klijn, A. J.(The Acts of Thomas (Leiden, 1962), pp. 8–9Google Scholar), who notes that ‘The whole acts [i.e. the Greek Acta] were rewritten with many additions and omissions by some Latin translator.’ The Latin Passio has variant texts in Momb. and Würz The Greek Acta are trans. James, M. R., The Apocryphal New Testament (Oxford, 1924)Google Scholar, and in New Testament Apocrypha (trans. of Ger. trans. by Hennecke, E., 3rd ed., ed. Schneemelcher, W.), ed. Wilson, R. McL. 11 (London, 1965)Google Scholar. When Brooks (ed., p. xxx) refers to the ‘Acts’ and then (p. 121) to James's translation it appears that he is referring to the Greek Acta. On general grounds it is very unlikely that Cynewulf read Greek. In my discussion I distinguish the Greek text as Acta and the Latin text as Passio.

page 168 note 3 Klijn, , The Acts of Thomas, p. 27.Google Scholar

page 168 note 4 New Testament Apocrypha, ed. Wilson 11, 529.

page 168 note 5 Momb. 11.749 notes that this text is a version of the Passio.

page 168 note 6 Fab. 11.734, n. 6, also refers to one more manuscript where it says that Thomas was ‘gladio transfixus’.

page 168 note 7 Ed. Herzfeld, p. 222.

page 168 note 8 Ælfric's Lives of Saints, ed. Skeat, W. W., 2 vols., EETS o.s. 76, 82, 94 and 114 (London, 1881–1900), 11, 424.Google Scholar

page 169 note 1 Ed. Brooks, p. 122.

page 170 note 1 Ed. Lipsius, , Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha, pars prior, pp. 119–77.Google Scholar

page 170 note 2 Ælfric, ed. Thorpe 1, 364–84, and Blickling homily xv, The Blickling Homilies, ed. Morris, R., EETS o.s. 58, 63 and 73 (London, 1874–1880; repr., 1967), 171–93.Google Scholar

page 170 note 3 Brev. and IO, ‘cruce suspensus’, and HLO, ‘patibulo pendens’; Notit. has no comment.

page 170 note 4 Ed. Bonnet, , Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha, pars alterius, volumenprius, pp. 1–37.Google Scholar

page 170 note 5 In view of the comments on the form of name below, it is relevant to note that on both these occasions Trin. has ‘Aegeatas’ but with ‘at’ erased to produce ‘Aegeas‘.

page 171 note 1 Ed. Brooks, p. 119.

page 171 note 2 Migne, Patrologia Graeca 5, cols. 1239–50 (Bibliograpbica Hagiograpbica Latina 4320).

page 171 note 3 Leclerq, J., ‘Tables pour l'inventaire des Homiliares manuscits’, Scriptorium 2 (1948), 206Google Scholar, no. 31.

page 171 note 4 Ed. Brooks, p. 136.

page 171 note 5 Bosworth, J. and Toller, T. N., An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary (Oxford, 1898)Google Scholar, s.v. cneores, cneoris; Supplement s.v. cneores.

page 172 note 1 Smith, W. and Wace, H., A Dictionary of the Bible (London, 1863) 1, 1104.Google Scholar

page 172 note 2 See above, p. 172, n. 5.

page 172 note 3 E.g. Rufinus-Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica III. I, quoting from Origen, Commentaries on Genesis; IO cap. 81, and, copying this verbatim, pseudo-Bede, Excerptions Patrum, PL 94, col. 545; HLO cap. 52; and Gregory, , Homilia 17Google Scholarin Evangelia, §4.

page 172 note 4 Fab. 11.527–31, Momb. 11.39 and Trin. 57v–58r. The full account, however, does make the point that ‘unus ex scribis Pharisaeorum mitteret funem in collum apostoli’ (Fab. 11.527; cf. Trin. 57v) and led him to Herod who ordered him to be beheaded. This would explain the comment ‘mid Iudeum’, since James had been preaching against them and was killed in their presence.

page 172 note 5 Ed. Herzfeld, p. 128.

page 173 note 1 Ed., pp. 128–50.

page 173 note 2 Bonnet's earliest Latin text is Montpellier, Bibliothèque de l'Université (al. Scholae Medicinae Montepessulanensis), H. 55, which, accotding to Lindsay, W. M., Notae Latinae (Cambridge, 1915), p. 465Google Scholar, is saec. viii–ix, from St Etienne Abbey near Autun; according to Moretus, H., AB 34–5Google Scholar (1915–16), 251, it is saec. viii extremo, and, according to B. Krusch, MGH, Script. Rer. Mer. 3, 44, saec. viii–ix. It is not entered in CLA vi (Oxford, 1953)Google Scholar, nos. 792–5, which describes Montpellier manuscripts prior to the ninth century.

page 173 note 3 Ed. Herzfeld, p. 152.

page 173 note 4 Ælfric, ed. Thorpe 1, 468, and OEM, ed. Herzfeld, p. 152.

page 174 note 1 I would not be surprised to find the information attached to a Passio which is included in a Sanctorale, however.

page 174 note 2 Ælfric, ed. Thorpe 11, 300.

page 174 note 3 Thorpe prints and translates strencge, ‘strength’, but BT Suppl. regards this as an error of transcription and places it s.v. steng.

page 174 note 4 Ed. Herzfeld, p. 100.

page 174 note 5 Herzfeld, ibid., translates webwyrhta as ‘weaver’, but the three cases of the Old English word cited in BT are all equivalent to Latin fullo, ‘fuller’. Nowadays, at least, their tasks are different in the production of cloth.

page 174 note 6 It is possible that extracts from one or other of the abbreviated accounts were attached as prologue to the full accounts which were known by Cynewulf. I have noted cases among manuscripts of the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, as recorded in the catalogue ptd AB 11 (1892), 205–368Google Scholar. Relevantly, Codex signatus B.55 inf. no. 33 (p. 257), which apparently is a pseudo Abdias account of Bartholomew, has a prologue including the phrase ‘ad ultimum in Albano maioris Armeniae urbe vivens a barbaris decoriatus etc.’. This manuscript however is saec. xi and others which include prologues of this kind within this collection are saec. xi and xii. If the practice were exemplified in texts of saec. viii or early ix, it could be argued that Cynewulf obtained all his information from full accounts.