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Cuthswith, seventh-century abbess of Inkberrow, near Worcester, and the Würzburg manuscript of Jerome on Ecclesiastes

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 September 2008

Patrick Sims-Williams
Patrick Sims-Williams
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The University of Birmingham
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Extract

The fifth-century Italian manuscript of Jerome's Commentary on Ecclesiastes, Würzburg, Universitätsbibliothek, M. p. th. q. 2, which M. Adriaen takes as the base of his recent edition, is interesting to English scholars on various counts. On ir it bears a very early Old English inscription, in Anglo-Saxon majuscule which Lowe and Bischoff date c. 700:

Cuthsuuithae. boec.

thaerae abbatissan.

(‘a book of Cuthswith the abbess’). In all probability this was written in England itself rather than at an Anglo-Saxon centre on the continent, in view of the chronology of the English missions. The commentary is in ‘a beautiful bold uncial of the oldest type’, but six leaves of the manuscript's original 114 (fols. 10, 13, 63, 68, 81 and 82) were replaced by leaves of a thicker parchment, in England according to Lowe and Bischoff. It is not known why this was necessary, nor where the text was taken from. Lowe dates the writing of these later leaves to the seventh century. He observes that they were ‘written, if one may judge from the syllable-by-syllable copying, by a scribe for whom Latin was an alien tongue and who was not completely sure of his uncial characters’. D. H. Wright remarks that their example of an English scribe ‘doing his unequal best to reproduce the unfamiliar letter forms’ is not a very helpful illustration of the relationship of English uncial to Italian models, ‘for the script he writes has no style of its own, and therefore no future’. The main interest of the manuscript in the history of English uncial is as an illustration of foreign models which were available; it is, in Lowe's words, ‘the oldest extant uncial manuscript that was at hand to serve as a model in an English scriptorium’.

Type
Research Article
Information
Anglo-Saxon England , Volume 5 , December 1976 , pp. 1 - 21
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1976

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References

Page 1 note 1 Corpus Christianorum Series Latina 72 (1959), 247–61. Abbreviations used in the course of this article are: BCS = Cartularium Saxonicum, ed. Birch, Walter de G. (London, 1885–1893)Google Scholar; CLA = Lowe, E. A., Codices Latini Antiquiores (Oxford, 1934–1972)Google Scholar; DEPN = Ekwall, Eilert, The Concise Oxford Dictionary of English Place-Names, 4th ed. (Oxford, 1960)Google Scholar; Finberg = Finberg, H. P. R., The Early Charters of the West Midlands, 2nd ed. (Leicester, 1972)Google Scholar; HE = Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. and trans. Colgrave, B. and Mynors, R. A. B. (Oxford, 1969)Google Scholar; KCD = Codex Diplomaticus Aevi Saxonici, ed. Kemble, J. M. (London, 1839–1848)Google Scholar; LSK = Bischoff, Bernhard and Hofmann, Josef, Libri Sancti Kyliani: die Würzburger Schreibschule und die Dombibliothek im VIII. und IX. Jahrhundert, Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte des Bistums und Hochstifts Würzburg 6 (Würzburg, 1952)Google Scholar; Sawyer = Sawyer, P. H., Anglo-Saxon Charters: an Annotated List and Bibliography (London, 1968)Google Scholar; Tangl = S. Bonifatii et Lullii Epistolae, ed. Tangl, Michael, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Epistolae Selectae 1 (Berlin, 1916, repr. 1955)Google Scholar; PNWorcs = Mawer, A. and Stenton, F. M., with Houghton, F. T. S., The Place-Names of Worcestershire, EPNS 4 (Cambridge, 1927)Google Scholar. BCS, CLA, Finberg, KCD, Sawyer and Tangl are cited by number, not by page (unless otherwise stated).

Page 1 note 2 The manuscript is described CLA ix, 1430; LSK pp. 88–9; and Lowe, E. A., English Uncial (Oxford, 1960), pp. 17 and 18.Google Scholar

Page 1 note 3 CLA ix, 1430b; Lowe, E. A., Palaeographical Papers 1907–1965, ed. Bieler, Ludwig (Oxford, 1972) 1, 243Google Scholar; LSK p. 88; Bischoff, Bernhard, Mittelalterliche Studien (Stuttgart, 1966–1967) 11, 333Google Scholar. Ker, N. R.(Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon (Oxford, 1957), no. 401 (see also p. xxviii)Google Scholar) gives s. viii as the date.

Page 1 note 4 For facsimiles see Lowe, English Uncial, pl. Ib, or CLA ix, 1430a, or better LSK, pl. 13, or Brandl, A., ‘Chrousts Fund einer des ältesten ags. Aufzeichnungen’, ASNSL 107 (1901), 103–5Google Scholar, pl. Brandl (p. 105) quotes Liebermann's opinion that Cuthswith could not have written these words herself since the use of her title would go against the convention of humility.

Page 2 note 1 CLA ix, 1430a, with a facsimile of 12V (fuller in Lowe, English Uncial, pl. Ia). For 4V, 5r and 64r see Chroust, Anton, Monumenta Palaeographica I. Serie, 5 (Munich, 1901), pls. 2–3.Google Scholar

Page 2 note 2 Lowe, , English Uncial, p. 18Google Scholar; LSK p. 88.

Page 2 note 3 CL.A ix, 1430b, with a facsimile of 63r (fuller in English Uncial, pl. V). For 63V see Chroust, , Monumenta Palaeographica 1.5, pl. 3.Google Scholar

Page 2 note 4 English Uncial, p. 18.

Page 2 note 5 Wright, D. H., ‘Some Notes on English Uncial’, Traditio 17 (1961), 450.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Page 2 note 6 English Uncial, p. 18.

Page 2 note 7 LSK pp. 5 and 155–6; cf. Levison, Wilhelm, England and the Continent in the Eighth Century (Oxford, 1946), pp. 141 and 143.Google Scholar

Page 2 note 8 ‘An Eighth-Century List of Books in a Bodleian Manuscript from Würzburg and its probable Relation to the Laudian Acts’, Palaeographical Papers 1, 243. To the objection that it is not described as commentarius in the text itself (LSK p. 89) one can reply that the cataloguer may well have been familiar with the genre of the books he listed.

Page 2 note 9 LSK p. 144.

Page 2 note 10 Ibid. p. 89; Ker, Catalogue, no. 401.

Page 3 note 1 LSK pp. 159–60.

Page 3 note 2 Ibid. pp. 72–4.

Page 3 note 3 Ibid. pp. 73 and 8, n. 20; Bischoff, ‘Elementarunterricht und Probationes Pennae in der ersten Hälfte des Mittelalters’, Mittelalterliche Studien I, 77–8.

Page 3 note 4 Indeed, the same tag may have been written in uncials on 113V while the book was still in England (see below, p. 4). This may have inspired the scribbler on ir.

Page 3 note 5 For examples see LSK p. 22.

Page 3 note 6 Ibid. pp. 22 and 74.

Page 3 note 7 Ibid. p. 10; CLA ix, 1407 (‘Written in an Anglo-Saxon scriptorium on the Continent, probably in Germany, but hardly at Würzburg, though the manuscript may have reached this centre by the ninth century if the probatio pennae may be taken as a guide’).

Page 4 note 1 LSK pp. 101 and 149.

Page 4 note 2 Ibid. pp. 73–4. For facsimiles of ir see above, p. i, n. 4; no facsimile of 113V is available.

Page 4 note 3 BCS 154; Sawyer 89; Finberg 211. The charter was at Worcester s. xi2 (Ker, Catalogue, pp. 266–7). For facsimiles see Lowe, , English Uncial, pl. XXIIIGoogle Scholar, or Bruckner, Albert and Marichal, Robert, Chartae Latinae Antiquiorts (Olten and Lausanne, 1954–) III, no. 183Google Scholar. In addition to the bibliography given by the above works, see Kuhn, Sherman S., ‘From Canterbury to Lichfield’, Speculum 23 (1948), 602–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sisam, Kenneth, ‘Canterbury, Lichfield, and the Vespasian Psalter’, RES, n. s. 7 (1956), 115–16Google Scholar; Kuhn, ‘Some Early Mercian Manuscripts’, Ibid. 8 (1957), 363–4; and The Vespasian Psalter, ed. D. H. Wright, EEMF 14 (Copenhagen, 1967), 34, 56 and pl. V.Google Scholar

Page 4 note 4 Engelbert, P., ‘Paläographische Bemerkungen zur Faksimileausgabe der ältesten Handschrift der Regula Benedicti (Oxford Bodl. Libr. Hatton 48)’, RB 79 (1969), 410–11.Google Scholar

Page 5 note 1 Ibid. pp. 406 and 411.

Page 5 note 2 ‘Some Notes on English Uncial’, pp. 449–50.

Page 5 note 3 See Ibid. p. 449: ‘an opinion which he still holds’ (1961); CLA 11 (2nd ed.), 240; Bischoff, , Mittelalterliche Studien 11, 332Google Scholar; Farmer, D. H., The Rule of Saint Benedict, EEMF 15 (Copenhagen, 1968), 22–3Google Scholar; Storms, MG., ESts 53 (1972), 153–4.Google Scholar

Page 5 note 4 See Levison, , England and the Continent, pp. 139–48Google Scholar; Baesecke, Georg, Der Vocabularius Sti. Galli in der angelsäcbsiscben Mission (Halle, 1933), pp. 84–110Google Scholar; Riché, Pierre, Éducation et Culture dans l‘Occident Barbare, VIe – VIIIe Siècles (Paris, 1962), pp. 487–9Google Scholar; and Tangl, Index, p. 308, s.v. libri. On the Würzburg library in particular see LSK p. 160.

Page 5 note 5 Monuments Palaeograpbica 1.5, commentary on pl. 2; Brandl, ‘Chrousts Fund’, p. 103.

Page 5 note 6 Cambridge Medieval History iii (1922), 512; LSK pp. 88 and 159; and Mittelalterliche Studien ii, 324 and 333.

Page 5 note 7 CLA ix, 1430; Palaeographical Papers 1, 243.

Page 5 note 8 Searle, William George, Onomasticon Anglo-Saxonicum (Cambridge, 1897), p. 150Google Scholar. The name does not occur in Domesday Book or on the continent.

Page 6 note 1 Hickes, G., Institutiones Grammaticae Anglo-Saxonicae et Moeso-Gotbicae (Oxford, 1689–1688 (sic) 11, 169–71Google Scholar. On Dugdale's list (in Oxford, Bodleian Library, Dugdale 12, pp. 502–6) see Turner, Cuthbert Hamilton, Early Worcester Manuscripts (Oxford, 1916), p. xxxGoogle Scholar; Atkins, Ivor and Ker, Neil R., Catalogus L, ibrorum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Wigorniensis, made in 1622–1623) by Patrick Young, Librarian to King James I (Cambridge, 1944), pp. 13–14Google Scholar; Finberg pp. ii-12; R. R. Darlington, Tbe Cartulary of Worcester Cathedral Priory (Register I), Publications of the Pipe Roll Soc. n. s. 38 (1968 for 1962–3), xii, n. 1; and Sawyer pp. 63 and 476–81. I believe that Hickes's source for it was the transcript in London, British Library, Harley 4660, 2r-v, or something very similar. There is a related transcript in Oxford, Queen's College 368, pp. 136–40.

Page 6 note 2 Institutiones 11, 171. The list is headed ‘Chartæ MSS quæ infrà sequuntur, in Archivis Ecclesiæ Wigorn. etiamnum extant’. It is apparently printed from Harley 4660, ir, with some errors, or from something very like it. (It is not in Queen's 368.) No. 1 = Sawyer 77; no. 2 = Sawyer 53; no. 3 = Sawyer 1177; no. 4 = Sawyer 58; no. 5 = Sawyer 1416; no. 6 = Sawyer 180; no. 7 = Sawyer 1430, 1260 and 1432; no. 8 = Sawyer 113; no. 9 = Sawyer 1289; no. 10 = Sawyer 726; no. 11 = Sawyer 1363; no. 12 = Sawyer 1384; no. 13, ‘Aldredi Episc. Ætbelstano cuidam & Ecclesiæ Wig. Saxonice`’, = Sawyer 1406. (In his Catalogus, Wanley mistakenly states that Hickes had not printed this in the Thesaurus (Hickes, G., Linguarum Vett. Septentrionalium Thesaurus Grammatico-Criticus et Arcbaeologicus (Oxford, 1703–1705), pt v [Catalogus], p. 301, no. 1))Google Scholar; no. 14, ‘S. VVlstani Ep. de Ecclesia S. Elenæ in Synodo Dioces. 1092’, = Darlington, Worcester Cartulary, no. 52, printed (directly?) from the original by Wharton, Henry (Anglia Sacra (London, 1691) 1, 542–3Google Scholar) and from Harley 4660 in Monasticon Anglicanum, ed. William Dugdale, re-ed. J. Caley et al. (London, 1846) 1, 609–10; and no. 15, ‘Carta Historica de VVlstano Episcopo’, is printed in Hickes's Thesaurus, pt 1, 175–6, with a specimen facsimile facing p. 144, and from Harley 4660 in Dugdale's, Monasticon (1846) 1, 599–600.Google Scholar

Page 6 note 3 Pt 1, 139–41, 142 and 169–76.

Page 6 note 4 Where it is wrongly attributed to æthelbald, as in H, ir, no. 1.

Page 7 note 1 Q, p. 140. The next sentence, which gives the page reference to the Thesaurus, is in a later hand. On p. 54 Hopkins is credited with the transcription of the account of Wulfstan's synod (Hickes's no. 14) and his Christian name is given.

Page 7 note 2 Atkins, and Ker, , Catalogus by Young, pp. 24–7.Google Scholar

Page 7 note 3 Hickes, G., Seventeen Sermons of Dr William Hopkins, published with a Preface Containing a Short Account of his Life (London, 1708), pp. v–vi.Google Scholar

Page 7 note 4 Ibid. pp. xxi and xxviii. Thesaurus, pt iv, 115–21. Note that this translation (De Sanctis in Anglia Sepultis) appears in H, 15r-18v, in the same hand (H1) as that of the Worcester charters, and in the later part of Harley 464, on which see next note. Cf. Liebermann, Felix, Die Heiligen Englands (Hanover, 1889), pp. xviii–xixGoogle Scholar (unreliable on authorship of manuscripts).

Page 7 note 5 The relationship of Q, H1 and H2 and the Thesaurus has never been investigated. Birch does not mention the readings of Q and H1 in printing the charters from H2 in BCS. In his article ‘The Anglo-Saxon Charters of Worcester Cathedral’ (JBAA 38 (1882), 52–3) he describes H as ‘copies of charters from originals in the archives of Worcester, probably by Hickes’. H1 is certainly not Hickes's hand; it is hard to be definite about H2 since it is mostly in imitation ‘Saxon’ script, but some of the letters in the parts which are not differ from those in the specimens of Hickes's writing I have seen. H2's ‘Saxon’ hand resembles that in the later part of Harley 464, which belonged to Hickes (see Cyril Ernest Wright, Fontes Harleiani (London, 1972), p. 189). Hand H1 seems to me to be very like one responsible for a few entries in the earlier part of Harley 464 (fols. 1–15), which are William Hopkins's reliquiae (see Wright, , Fontes, p. 196Google Scholar). Birch, and Sawyer, (Anglo-Saxon Charters, p. 55Google Scholar) assume that H is a direct copy from the Worcester originals. Sawyer describes Q as ‘transcript of charters as in’ H (Ibid. p. 65) and does not refer to it under individual charters. Coxe, Henry (Catalogus Codicum MSS. qui in Collegiis Aulisque Oxoniensibus Hodie Adservantur (Oxford, 1852) i, pt 6, p. 86)Google Scholar queried whether Q was by Dugdale; but this is impossible, for the poor copy of Dugdale's 1643 list of charters on pp. 136–40 is ascribed to Magister Willelmus Dugdale. A number of hands, some perhaps those of secretaries, alternate in transcribing the charters in Q. Atkins and Ker (Catalogus by Young, p. 26, n. 2) raise the possibility that the charters may be connected with Edward Thwaites, who was a member of Queen's (BA 1694, MA 1697, then a Fellow), quoting a Worcester Chapter Order of 1699 directing ‘that the Treasurer do pay to Mr Thwayts the sum of £10 towards the charges of printing the charters of this Church’. However it is unlikely that this was an independent venture by Thwaites; it was probably a result of the campaign for support for the Thesaurus itself, for which Thwaites acted as treasurer (cf. Bennett, J. A. W., ‘Hickes's “Thesaurus”: a Study in Oxford Book-Production’, Eng. Stud. (Essays and Stud, collected for the Eng. Assoc.) n. s. 1 (1948), 36–7)Google Scholar. As Thwaites was responsible for the preparation of the Thesaurus for the press (Ibid. p. 29) H is more likely than Q to be associated with him. There were a large number of Anglo-Saxonists from Queen's (see Ibid. pp. 29–30 and 38) with whom Q might be connected.

Page 8 note 1 On the Saxon type used for the Thesaurus, see Bennett, ‘Hickes's “Thesausus”’, pp. 28, 32, 34 and 38.

Page 8 note 2 Thesaurus, pt 1, 145–6 and 168–9.

Page 8 note 3 Sisam, Kenneth, Studies in the History of Old English Literature (Oxford, 1953), p. 271.Google Scholar

Page 8 note 4 Thesaurus, pt 1, 146. This would seem (judging by Bennett, ‘Hickes's “Thesaurus”‘, pp. 33 and 35) [to have been printed in 1701, about a year before the part of the Catalogus cited in the next note.

Page 8 note 5 Catalogus, p. 300. The provision in the Thesaurus of a specimen facsimile of one of the post-Conquest documents in the group of fifteen (see above, p. 6, n. 2, no. 15) shows that some of the group may have been available c. 1703.

Page 8 note 6 Sawyer 53 and 1177.

Page 8 note 7 Smith, A. H., ‘The Hwicce’, Medieval and Linguistic Studies in Honor of F. P. Magoun, Jr, ed. Bessinger, J. B. and Creed, R. P. (London, 1965), pp. 56–65.Google Scholar

Page 8 note 8 Q PP. 141–2; H, 3v; BCS 85; Sawyer 53; Finberg 382: ‘…ego oshere rex Huiccorum proremedio animæ mæ, cum Ædilheardo filio meo, dabo terram quæ: dicitur penitanham quindecim tributariorum cum dylla uuidu cassatas consentiente comite meo Cutberhto, ad construendum monasterium cutsuidæ abbatissæ…’ (BCS). The correct reading of‘Penitanham’ was observed by Finberg (see below); all printed editions, including the Thesaurus, omit the suspension. Birch suggests that some of the last letters of ‘dylla uuidu’ represent numerals referring to ‘cassatas’. In Q and H1 there is a suprascript (c) after ‘dylla’ and a facetious note attached: ‘(c) hic Oedipus aliquis desideratur’. Most of the notes on place-names etc., in Q and H1 (which were clearly written by someone familiar with the diocese of Worcester) are printed as footnotes in the Thesaurus, but this one is not. It is deleted by H2.

Page 9 note 1 693 is given by Stenton, (Preparatory to ‘Anglo-Saxon England’, being the Collected Papers of Frank Merry Stenton, ed. Stenton, D. M. (Oxford, 1970), p. 51, n. 4Google Scholar), Finberg 382, Sawyer 53 and Whitelock, Dorothy (‘The Pre-Viking Age Church in East Anglia’, ASE 1 (1972), 22)Google Scholar; but it is explained only in Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents (ed. Arthur W. Haddan and William Stubbs (Oxford, 1869–1871) 111, 232): ‘The date is determined by the facts that Oftfor was Bishop of Worcester only from a.d. 691 or 692 to a.d. 693; and that Brihtwald did not return to England after his consecration until August 693.’ However, the date of Oftfor's death is unknown; as Stenton pointed out, citing BCS 76 (697 + ), on which see below, p. 16, for the death of Oftfor in 692 ‘there is no earlier authority than Florence’, and the charter ‘supersedes the unsupported statement of Florence as to the date of Oftfor's death’ (review of Howorth, H., The Golden Days of the Early English Church, EHR. 33 (1918), 258)Google Scholar. Finberg (p. 32) suggests 699, following a late Evesham source. For 692 cf. also F. Liebermann, Ungedruckte Anglo-Normannische Geschichtsquellen (Strassburg, 1879), p. 18 and n. 5. Nevertheless, the date 693 for Cuthswith's charter would be secured by the attestation of Gefmund, bishop of Rochester, were not the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle D, E, F, according to which he is dead in 693, merely an unreliable deduction from HE v.8. (See Baedae Opera Historica, ed. Charles Plummer (Oxford, 1896) 11, 284.Google Scholar) We may therefore suggest 693 × ?699.

Page 9 note 2 BCS 116; Sawyer 54; Finberg 201, which makes him Oshere's son, is a dubious Evesham production, and I think its statement may be imitated from the reference to Oshere's son Æthelric in the authentic BCS 157, Sawyer 94, just as its witness ‘Omulung abbas’ is seemingly imitated from the Fladbury charter BCS 76 mentioned in the previous note; nevertheless, the position of Æthelweard's name in genuine witness-lists makes it probable that he was indeed one of Oshere's sons.

Page 9 note 3 Q. PP- 142–3; H, 3v; BCS 122; Sawyer 1177: ‘…ego ædilheardus et ædiluueardus dabimus tibi cudsuidæ terram quæ dicitur ingin. v manentium quam tu a nobis proprio prætio redemisti id est DC solidis…’ (BCS). BCS omits the variants in the Thesaurus.

Page 9 note 4 As reported Sawyer 1177.

Page 9 note 5 Pt 1, 170. There is no reason to think that H2 and the Thesaurus were influenced by a transcript like Q, where the heading dorsum is buried inconspicuously in the text of the charter. Wanley (Catalogus, p. 300) notes that the second charter was an endorsement; but he is merely following the 1688 list here.

Page 9 note 6 E.g. Thesaurus, pt 1, 172.

Page 10 note 1 See below, p. 21.

Page 10 note 2 Finberg ch. 7.

Page 10 note 3 BCS 535; see Finberg pp. 160 and 164–5. There is nothing to be said for his suggested identification with the West Saxon princess. On St Cyneburg of Gloucester, who was possibly a legendary development of the abbess, see, in addition to Ibid. p. 166, n. 1, Tolhurst, J. B. L., ‘St Kyneburga of Gloucester’, Pax (Prinknash Abbey) (1943), 85–7Google Scholar, and Hughes, K., AB 73 (1955), 350–1Google Scholar. Mawer, A. and Stenton, F. M.(The Place-Names of Bedfordshire and Huntingdonshire, EPNS 3 (Cambridge, 1926), 117, n. 1)Google Scholar identify this saint with Penda's daughter Cyneburg; there is no evidence for this idea, which is opposed by Tolhurst and by Grosjean, P. (AB 79 (1961), 168)Google Scholar, who misrepresents Tolhurst as stating their identity. The name Cyniburg occurs three times in the list of queens and abbesses in the Durham ‘Liber Vitae (The Oldest English Texts, ed. Henry Sweet, Early Eng. Text Soc. o.s. 83 (London, 1885), 154).

Page 10 note 4 According to H2 and the Thesaurus; Q and H1 leave a blank.

Page 10 note 5 The only other charter he attests is BCS 116, where he is described as ‘comes of the Hwicce’. Finberg, (Lucerna: Studies of some Problems in the Early History of England (London, 1964), p. 76)Google Scholar sees in these three charters ‘traces of a system by which a comes, attached to a local ruler's court, exercised a restraining influence in the interests of the central power’ (i.e. Mercia), comparing BCS 111 in which a subject East Saxon king is associated with ‘Pæogthath cum licentia ædelredi regis comis’. (On Mercian political influence in that area see Stenton, F. M., Anglo-Saxon England, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1971), p. 204Google Scholar; cf. Stenton, , ‘Pre-Conquest Herefordshire’, Preparatory to ‘Anglo-Saxon England’, p. 197Google Scholar.) However, the title in BCS 116 may be mere pseudo-history, characteristic of the Evesham fabrications (see above, p. 9, n. 2); in the Cuthswith charters Cuthbert may simply be a personal comes confirming his lord's grants (cf. Stenton, , Anglo-Saxon England, p. 304Google Scholar, and The Latin Charters of the Anglo-Saxon Period (Oxford, 1955), pp. 34–7).

Page 10 note 6 It is hard to assess the relative value of manuscripts and land. Benedict Biscop arranged with King Aldfrith to exchange a particularly fine manuscript ‘of the Cosmographers’ he had bought in Rome for eight hides (‘terra octo familiarum’); Ceolfrith later exchanged these eight for twenty hides (Bede, , Historia Abbatum, c. 15, ed. Plummer, BaedaeOpera Historica 1, 380Google Scholar; Levison, , England and the Continent, p. 42)Google Scholar.

Page 11 note 1 Strictly speaking, ‘was Welsh’; it has not kept all its ancient meanings.

Page 11 note 2 In 789: BCS 256; Sawyer 1430; Finberg 231. See also PNWorcs p. xxiii and DEPN p. 265.

Page 11 note 3 Finberg, H. P. R., The Early Charters of Wessex (Leicester, 1964), p. 251Google Scholar (addendum to Finberg 1st ed.) = Finberg, p. 239. Dyallawidu is a slip for Dyllaaidu, as at Finberg 382. On this word or words, see above, p. 8, n. 8.

Page 11 note 4 DEPN p. 361; Smith, A. H., English Place-Name Elements, EPNS 25–6 (Cambridge, 1956), 11, 61–2.Google Scholar

Page 11 note 5 DEPN p. 361; but cf. Smith, Place-Name Elements 11, 61.

Page 11 note 6 Triangulation pillar 342 ft above sea level.

Page 11 note 7 Cf. Dodgson, John McN., ‘Place-Names from bam, Distinguished from hamm Names, in Relation to the Settlement of Kent, Surrey and Sussex’, ASE 2 (1973), 1–50.Google Scholar

Page 11 note 8 Ibid.; Cox, B. H., ‘The Significance of the Distribution of English Place-Names in ham in the Midlands and East Anglia’, Jnl of the Eng. Place-Name Soc. 5 (1972–1973), 15–73Google Scholar.

Page 11 note 9 For the early evidence see Levison, , England and the Continent, pp. 30–1, 35, 48, 257–8 and 260–1Google Scholar. If later dedications of monasteries and parish churches on early sites are any guide, about a third of the early monasteries included Peter in their dedication.

Page 12 note 1 See Smith, , ‘The Hwicce’, p. 60, map.Google Scholar

Page 12 note 2 Gover, J. E. B., Mawer, A., Stenton, F. M., with Houghton, F. T. S., The Place-Names of Warwickshire, EPNS 13 (Cambridge, 1936), 233–4Google Scholar; DEPN p. 265; Smith, Place-Name Elements 1, 282. Hofmann, who would interpret the name in Ginn, ‘am Abgrund’ (LSK p. 88, n. 131), was unaware of this identification.

Page 12 note 3 DEPN p. 265.

Page 12 note 4 Hickes, Thesaurus, pt i, 171–3. Also in London, Lambeth Palace 585, pp. 539–40 (collectanea of Henry Wharton, d. 1695).

Page 12 note 5 No. 1 in his list, printed by Hickes, , Institutions (1689–88) 11, 169.Google Scholar

Page 13 note 1 See below, p. 17.

Page 13 note 2 BCS 308; Sawyer 1260 and 1432; Finberg 234 and 245.

Page 13 note 3 BCS 1110; Sawyer 1305; Finberg 286. KCD 613; Sawyer 1331; Finberg 306. KCD 644; Sawyer 1349; Finberg 320. And KCD 898; Sawyer 1460; Finberg 333 and 342.

Page 13 note 4 The omission of the Penintanham charter from Cotton Tiberius A. xiii is less surprising, since it was not in favour of Worcester, and indeed the place-name may have become unintelligible.

Page 13 note 5 Above, pp. i-2.

Page 13 note 6 See Lowe, English Uncial, and Bede's Historia Abbatum and the anonymous Life of Ceolfrith, both ed. Plummer, Baedae Opera Historica. On Rome as a source for manuscripts see Riché, , Éducation et Culture, pp. 399–400Google Scholar, and Levison, , England and the Continent, pp. 132–4.Google Scholar

Page 13 note 7 The Life of Bishop Wilfrid by Eddius Stephanus, ed. and trans. Bertram Colgrave (Cambridge, 1927), cc. 14, 43, 47, 51 and 64–5.

Page 13 note 8 Sims-Williams, Patrick, ‘Continental Influence at Bath Monastery in the Seventh Century’, ASE 4 (1975), 4, n. 7Google Scholar, and references.

Page 13 note 9 Harrison, Kenneth (‘The Annus Domini in some Early Charters’, Jnl of the Soc. of Archivists 4 (1970–1973), 552–3 and 556Google Scholar) associates Wilfrid with the system of dating used in BCS 51; Sawyer 52; Finberg 196. In this charter Oshere grants Ripple ‘Friðopaldo monacho Uuinfridi episcopi’. I think that Uuinfridi may be an error for Uuilfridi. Eddius says that confusion of the two bishops, ‘errore…unius syllabae’, happened in their lifetime (ed. Colgrave, c. 25). The charter has been much worked over, probably to claim freedoms for Ripple (cf. Finberg 222, 59 and 257). The recipient may be one of the monks left behind by Wilfrid on his expulsion in 680 (see next note).

Page 13 note 10 Life of Wilfrid, ed. Colgrave, c. 40. Colgrave and Plummer (Baedae Opera Historica 11, 318–19) date this chapter 681, but see Poole, Reginald Lane, Studies in Chronology and History (Oxford, 1934), p. 69Google Scholar, and especially Moore, W. J., The Saxon Pilgrims to Rome and the Schola Saxonum (Fribourg, Switzerland, 1937), p. 29, nn. 3 and 5.Google Scholar William of Malmesbury (De Gestis Ponlifiatm Anglorum, ed. N. E. S. A. Hamilton, Rolls Ser. (1870), pp. 232 and 351) plausibly identified the nephew of æthelred of Mercia who founded this monastery of Wilfrid's with the Berhtwald said to have granted Somerford Keynes to Aldhelm and Malmesbury (BCS 65; Sawyer 1169; Finberg 3; cf. Stenton, , Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 69 and 151Google Scholar, and Chaplais, Pierre, ‘The Origin and Authenticity of the Royal Anglo-Saxon Diploma’, Jnl of the Soc. of Archivists 3 (1965–1969), 56, n. 70)Google Scholar. Somerford Keynes (SU/0195), like Bath, must have lain on the southern border of the Hwicce at this time (cf. Sims-Williams, ‘Continental Influence at Bath’, p. 4 and reference). Wilfrid's activities here, away from Mercia proper, may be explained by the hostility of Æthelred (Life of Wilfrid, ed. Colgrave, c. 40). It is noteworthy that Wilfrid's monastery continued to exist ‘to this day’ despite Wilfrid's expulsion in 680 (Ibid.); possibly Aldhelm of Malmesbury had a special local motive for encouraging Wilfrid‘s followers in the face of persecution (Aldbelmi Opera, ed. R. Ehwald, MGH, Auct. Antiq. 15, 500–2. Undated). The evidence for Wilfrid's association with the foundation of Evesham is very late (Farmer, ), Rule of St Benedict, p. 25; Vita quortmdttm Anglo-Saxonum, ed. Giles, J. A., Caxton Soc. (London, 1854), pp. 379–80.Google Scholar

Page 14 note 1 See below, the quotation from Bede.

Page 14 note 2 See Roper, Michael, ‘Wilfrid's Landholdings in Northumbria’, Saint Wilfrid at Hexbarn, ed. Kirby, D. P. (Newcastle upon Tyne, 1974), pp. 68–9.Google Scholar

Page 14 note 3 HE rv.23. Theodore's successor was elected on 1 July 692 and consecrated on 29 June 693 (HE v.8).

Page 15 note 1 Levison, England and the Continent, p. 39; Whitelock, Dorothy, The Beginnings of English Society (Harmondsworth, rev. 1965), p. 174Google Scholar; Hughes, Kathleen, ‘The Changing Theory and Practice of Irish Pilgrimage’, JEH 11 (1960), 145Google Scholar. Cf. Moore, , Saxon Pilgrims, pp. 85–4.Google Scholar

Page 15 note 2 Thurneysen, Rudolf, Old Irish Reader (Dublin, 1949), p. 41, no. v, v. 2.Google Scholar

Page 15 note 3 See HE v.7; ‘Chronica Maiora’, ed. T. Mommsen, MGH, Auct. Antiq. 13, 320; Moore, Saxon Pilgrims, ch. 2 and chronological table, pp. 126–7; and Levison, England and the Continent, pp. 36–43 and 132–4. Blair, P. Hunter (The World of Bede (London, 1970), p. 78, n. 5)Google Scholar adds an instance the others missed.

Page 15 note 4 Saxon Pilgrims, p. 41.

Page 15 note 5 ‘Adhuc inattritam viam genti nostrae’, Life of Wilfrid, ed. Colgrave, c. 3. On the length of the journey see Harrison, Kenneth, ‘The Beginning of the Year in England’, ASE 2 (1973), 58.Google Scholar

Page 15 note 6 See Moore, Saxon Pilgrims, ch. 1 and p. 126. It is unlikely that Bede greatly under-represents the comparatively small degree of intercourse with Rome in the seventh century, for he regarded English ties with Rome as important historically and endeavoured to emphasize them. But he does not mention Aldhelm's visit to Rome (Ibid. p. 36), mentioned in an undated letter, ed. Ehwald, Aldhelmi Opera, p. 494. The date of this journey is variously given, but is usually associated with the privilege allegedly granted to him by Pope Sergius (687–701); see Ibid. p. 512, n. 1. Moore (Saxon Pilgrims, p. 40) also adds that St Bertin (d. 698) ‘juncxit se Saxonibus ultramarinis Romam pergentibus’; but this may well be an anachronism in a late source, written 892–900. Moore (Ibid. p. 48) is rightly sceptical about the two pilgrimages of Oftfor's successor Ecgwine, first reported in the eleventh-century Vita Ecgmini in London, British Library, Cotton Nero E. i (s. xi). The earlier journey, occasioned by expulsion from his see, looks as if it may be modelled on the Life of Wilfrid, and his presence in the party of Cenred and Offa in 709 is not mentioned by Bede (HE v.19). These accounts may have arisen to explain Evesham's possession of Ecgwine's papal privilege (itself dubious – see Knowles, David, The Monastic Order in England, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1963), p. 576, n. 5 and referencesCrossRefGoogle Scholar), by analogy with Biscop, Wilfrid, Aldhelm etc. On the allegation that Eorcenwald went to Rome in 677, which may have a similar explanation, see Whitelock, Dorothy, Some Anglo-Saxon Bishops of London (London, 1975), pp. 6–7.Google Scholar

Page 16 note 1 ‘Ut quemadmodum primitus tradita fuerat, rursus per illius diligentiam monachorum in ea sub abbate degentium honestissima conversatio recuperetur’ (BCS 76; Sawyer 76; Finberg 198). The charter mentions Æthelred's late wife Osthryth, who died in 697 (HE v.24). See above, p. 9, n. 1.

Page 16 note 2 Pp. 4 and 5.

Page 16 note 3 Tangl 112.

Page 16 note 4 See Levison, England and the Continent, p. 145; Nordenfalk, Carl, ‘A Note on the Stockholm Codex Aureus’, Nordisk Tidskrift för Bokoch Biblioteksväsen 38 (1951), 153–5Google Scholar; and Kuhn, S. M., ‘Some Early Mercian Manuscripts’, p. 365.Google Scholar

Page 16 note 5 Tangl 112: ‘librum pyrpyri metri ideo non misi quia gutbertus episcopus adhuc reddere distulit’ (sic: see Sancti Bonifacii Epistolae, Codex Vindobonensis 751 der Österreicbiscben Nationalbibliothek, ed. Franz Unterkircher, Codices Selecti 24 (Graz, Austria, 1971), 511). The only Bishop Cuthbert at the time of the letter was Archbishop Cuthbert of Canterbury, 740–60, who had been abbot of Lyminge in Kent at some previous stage (BCS 160–1; Sawyer 24 and 1611). Unfortunately it is uncertain whether the archbishop can be identified with the Bishop Cuthbert of Hereford who is known to have been a poet (William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum, ed. Hamilton, p. 299; Joannis Lelandi Collectanea, ed. Th. Hearne (Oxford, 1715) 11, 265); the statement by Florence of Worcester and later writers that he was translated from Hereford to Canterbury (Monumenta Historica Britannica, cd. Henry Petrie and J. Sharpe (London, 1848), p. 543; Haddan and Stubbs Councils in, 340) may be based on a misidentification, for episcopal translation was uncanonical and unusual. Cuðberbt episcopus as well as the archbishop attests BCS 162, Sawyer 90, in 742; but this is of doubtful authority (see Brooks, N., England Before the Conquest, ed. Clemoes, P. and Hughes, K. (Cambridge, 1971), p. 76, n. 2Google Scholar; and Whitelock, ‘Pre-Viking Age Church in East Anglia’, p. 20, n. 6).

Page 17 note 1 See above, pp. 12–13.

Page 17 note 2 BCS 256; Sawyer 1430; Finberg 231.

Page 17 note 3 Dugdale saw it in 1643; see no. 89 in his list (printed in Hickes, , Institutions (1689–1688) 11, 171Google Scholar): ‘Æthelbaldi Regis de Terris in Bradanleag’. The following twelfth-century entry (not listed by Finberg or Sawyer) looks like a muddled or deliberately misleading report of this charter: ‘Idem rex Æthelbaldus terram quæ dicitur Bradanleach, Wilfrido pontificante, dedit Wigornensi ecdesiæ’ (Dugdale, , Monasticon (1846) 1, 607)Google Scholar.

Page 17 note 4 BCS 153; Sawyer 95; Finberg 209 ‘…Ego ædelbaldus rex Merciorum terram juris mei.vi. cassatorum. cui vocabulum est BRADANLÆH. pro redemptione anim’ (BCS). The note on the date in BCS is wrong; these are the only three Wednesdays on 24 November which suit the episcopal witnesses. Finberg and Sawyer give 723 × 737.

Page 18 note 1 An unsympathetic account of others is given by Stubbs, W., ‘The Cathedral, Diocese and Monasteries of Worcester in the Eighth Century’, ArcbJ 19 (1862), 236–52.Google Scholar

Page 18 note 2 BCS 430; Sawyer 192; Finberg 65. Dated 840 (s. xi1). DEPN p. 271.

Page 18 note 3 Compare Ekwall's association of Abbess Dunne, to whom Oshere granted Withington (SP/0315) near Cheltenham (BCS 156 and 217; Sawyer 1429 and 1255; Finberg 5, 21 and 32), with Donnington (SP/1928) near Stow on the Wold(< *Dunninga-tün according to DEPN pp. 147–8, but Smith, A. H. (The Place-Names of Gloucestershire, EPNS 38–41 (Cambridge, 1964–1965) 1, 217Google Scholar) takes it to be an -ingtün name; BCS 229 dated 779 (s. xii) which Ekwall and Smith discuss is untrustworthy: see Sawyer 115 and N. Brooks, ‘The Development of Military Obligations in Eighth- and Ninth-Century England’, England Before the Conquest, p. 78, n. 3). The Bradley Cyneburg is a more plausible eponym than the two who have been suggested previously. Sigurd Karlström (Old English Compound Place-Names in ‘-ing’, Uppsala Universitets Arsskrift 1927, bd 1 (Uppsala, 1927), 32–3 and 75) proposes Cyneburg, abbess of Gloucester (cf. above, p. 10, and Smith, , Place-Name Elements 1, 293–4Google Scholar). Gloucester is not close, and Smith, (Place-Names of Gloucestershire 11, 59Google Scholar) rightly objects that as Kemerton is among lands restored to the church of Worcester in 840 (BCS 430) it is unlikely to have belonged to an abbess of Gloucester. The Worcester connection favours my suggestion. Smith (Ibid. 11, 60 and iv, 41) suggests Penda's daughter Cyneburg. She was originally proposed by J. M. Kemble, who wrongly asserted that Kemerton was ‘a celebrated religious foundation’ of hers (‘On a Peculiar Use of the Anglo-Saxon Patronymical Termination ING’, Proc. of the Philol. Soc. 4 (1848–1850), 9). She is the least likely of the three, marrying a Northumbrian (HE 111.21) and, according to later sources, becoming a nun at Castor near Peterborough (Hardy, T. D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials 1, RS (1862), no. 868Google Scholar; Plummer, , Baedae Opera Historica 11, 175Google Scholar; and the reference above, p. 10, n. 3).

Page 18 note 4 On ‘pincernus’ see Stevenson, William Henry, Asser's Life of King Alfred (Oxford, 1904), pp. cxxv, n., and 163–5Google Scholar; and Levison, , England and the Continent, p. 220Google Scholar. For Kemerton see BCS 232; Sawyer 57; Finberg 224. For Fladbury see BCS 238; Sawyer 62; Finberg 225. Comparison shows that the witness of this charter is the same as the ‘pincernus’ of BCS 232. Cf. Stevenson, Asser, p. 164, n. 3. In 779 Offa granted a ‘minister’ named ‘Duddonus’ land in Bourton-on-the-Water (SP/1620): BCS 230; Sawyer 114; Finberg 38. Cf. Stenton, , Latin Charters, p. 60.Google Scholar

Page 18 note 5 Sawyer 1825; Finberg 213. Patrick Young described it as ‘Charta Ædelbaldi Merc: regis, qua Henele fideli suo terra[m. 4.] manentium in prouincia Huicciorum et villa qua vocatur Hy[mel]more, concessit’ (London, British Library, Cotton Vitellius C. ix, 13ir, completing the damaged words from Hemingi Cbartularium Ecclesiae Wigorniensis, ed. Th. Hearne (Oxford, 1723), p. 567) and later Dugdale listed it as ‘Æthilbaldi Regis de terris in Æthilmore’ (sic Hickes (Institutiones (1689–1688) 11, 171) and others (including H, 2V, no. 86); but corrected to Ætbimelmore from Dugdale's manuscript by Finberg (pp. 12, n. 1, and 91)). The name ‘Henele’ does not exist and must be someone's error for Hemele.

Page 18 note 6 Smith, Place-Name Elements 1, 276.

Page 19 note 1 PNWorcs pp. 10 and 135, Ekwall, , English River Names (Oxford, 1928), pp. 44–5 and 196Google Scholar, and DEPN p. 240.

Page 19 note 2 Not of Wolverley as stated in PNWorcs (p. 135). See Grundy, G. B., ‘Saxon Charters of Worcestershire’ (part 2), Trans. of the Birmingham Archaeol. Soc. 53 (1928), pp. 69–71.Google Scholar

Page 19 note 3 KCD 645; Sawyer 1348; Finberg 321. This identification was made by Finberg (p. 91). The forms in Somers Charter 17 were ‘serest of hymel more‘and ‘eft on hymel mor‘according to Smith, John (Historiae Ecclesiastical Libri Quinque Auctore Baeda (Cambridge, 1722), p. 778Google Scholar). Tiberius A. xiii on 73r has ‘ærest of ymel more’ and ‘eft on hymel mor’ and on 162v–163r ‘’ and ‘eft on hymel mor’.

Page 19 note 4 ‘… ubi corpora requiescunt Hemeles et Dudx’ (BCS 256). This clause was probably present but illegible in the charter copied in H and Q – note the long gap and dotted line in H, 6r.

Page 19 note 5 See above, p. 3.

Page 19 note 6 Vita Burghardi Prima, ed. O. Holder-Egger, MGH, Scriptores 15.1, 47, c. 2. Holder-Egger's distrust of this statement (Ibid. p. 47, n. 7) was mistaken. See Tangl p. 78, n. 4, and Moore, Saxon Pilgrims, p. 70, n. 4.

Page 19 note 7 Tangl 53, 56, 73 and 82.

Page 19 note 8 Ibid. 49: ‘Doming dilectissimę Christique relegiosissim? abbatissae [MSS abbatis 1 cuniburg? [Codex 3 kumburge] regalis prosapi? generositate praedit? Den. et L. et B. filii tui ac vernaculi sempitern? sospitatis salutem…’. Codex 2 heads the letter ‘epistola deneharti et lul ad cuniburgam’, apparently unsure of the identity of‘B’. The identification with Burghard by Mabillon, (Acta Sanctorum Ordinis S. Benedicti 111 (Paris, 1672), Pt 2, p. 393Google Scholar) has been accepted by modern scholars, except for Holder-Egger (Vita Burgbardi, p. 47, n. 7) whose objection was mainly based on the mistaken premise referred to above, p. 19, n. 6. ‘B ’ is not Boniface, who is referred to in the letter. Burghard was English and of similar standing to ‘Den.’ and ‘L.’ Lull succeeded Boniface as bishop of Mainz, the diocese adjacent to Würzburg; Denehard was entrusted with errands to the pope (Tangl p. 78, n. 4) as Burghard was in 748 (Ibid. 80). See also Moore, Saxon Pilgrims, pp. 70–1.

Page 20 note 1 Bonifaz und Lul: ibre angelsäcbsiscben Korrespondenten (Leipzig, 1883), p. 149.

Page 20 note 2 See above, p. 17.

Page 20 note 3 This was realized by Stubbs (‘Cathedral, Diocese and Monasteries of Worcester’, p. 251, n.) though he wrongly listed Bradley as a monastery. See also Stenton, , Preparatory to ‘Anglo-Saxon England’, p. 55, n. 5.Google Scholar

Page 20 note 4 Tangl 55, which an abbot Aldhun and abbesses Cwenburg (emending MS Cneuburga(1) to Cuenburgd) and Coenburg sent to Coengils (who was abbot of Glastonbury in 729 and 737 according to BCS 147 and 158, Sawyer 253 and 254), Ingeld (who was abbot of a monastery in reach of Glastonbury – see Tangl 101: ‘in giro’) and Wihtberht (who had at some time had Aldhun as his abbot (Ibid. 55) but was apparently at the time of writing, as later (see Ibid. 101), a member of Ingeld's community), agreeing to their proposal for spiritual confraternity. Tangl's date 729-c. 744 was based on the identification of Coengils (cf. Hahn, Bonifaz und Lul, p. 147).

Page 20 note 5 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 718, mentions Cuthburg and Cwenburg as sisters of Ine of Wessex and Cuthburg as foundress of Wimborne. Later sources also associate Cwenburg with Wimborne (Smith, William and Wace, Henry, A Dictionary of Christian Biography (London, 1877–1887) 1, 720Google Scholar). Mabillon (Ada Sanctorum O. S. B. III.I, 447, and Annales Ordinis S. Benedicti, editio prima Italica (Lucae, 1739–40) 11, 9–10) identified this Cwenburg, whom he called ‘Coënburga’, with the Coenburg of Tangl 55, and argued from the letter that Wimborne was not a double monastery as Rudolf of Fulda's Vita Leobae states, but triple, and that Aldhun was abbot of the third for monks. This is all groundless speculation; there is nothing to connect any of the three correspondents with Wimborne. Their letter makes it clear that they belonged to three separate monasteries. Possibly Aldhun was the abbot of that name who attested a Kentish charter in 762 (BCS 193; Sawyer 32) and his co-writers were abbesses of other Kentish houses. Haddan and Stubbs (Councils 111, 343) tentatively equate Aldhun's propinqua Eta, mentioned in the letter, with the Tette named by Rudolf as abbess of Wimborne; this is not convincing (Hahn, Bonifaz und Lul, p. 148, n. 7). Plummer, (Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel (Oxford, 1892–1899) 11, 38Google Scholar) identified the Cwenburg (Cneuburga) of the letter with Ine's sister, but there is nothing to support this apart from the probable identity of the names.

Page 21 note 1 Feilitzen, Olof von, The Pre-Conquest Personal Names of Domesday Book (Uppsala, 1937), p. 220Google Scholar; Page, R. I., ‘Anglo-Saxon Episcopal Lists’, Nottingham Med. Stud. 9 (1965), 94Google Scholar and references. Since Cwén- and Cyne- are also distinct, the identification of the Cuniburga of Tangl 49 with Ine's sister Cwenburg suggested by Plummer (Two of the Saxon Chronicles 11, 38) and Duckett, Eleanor S. (Anglo-Saxon Saints and Scholars (New York, 1947), p. 395, n. 96Google Scholar) must be rejected.

Page 21 note 2 Harm, Bonifaz und Lul, p. 237. Cyneheard, who became bishop of Winchester in 756 (ASC), was a relative of Lull's (Tangl 114) – we do not know how close – but we know nothing of his origins. Cf. Levison, England and the Continent, p. 238, n. 3.

Page 21 note 3 Tangl 135.

Page 21 note 4 Malmesbury benefited rather than suffered from its position on the border, receiving support from West Saxon and Mercian kings, if the record of its charters may be believed at all.

Page 21 note 5 Above, p. 19, n. 8.

Page 21 note 6 P. 17.

Page 21 note 7 P. 10.

Page 21 note 8 Handbook of British Chronology, ed. F. M. Powicke and E. B. Fryde, 2nd ed. (London, 1961), p. 15.

Page 21 note 9 Above, p. 10.

Page 21 note 10 It has been suggested that Denehard and Burghard may have been with Boniface longer than Lull was and that the ‘ad Germanicas gentes transivimus’ of Tangl 49 refers only to Lull (see Moore, Saxon Pilgrims, p. 66, n. 7); but the end of the sentence (‘…ipsiusque laboris adiutores sumus…’) shows by the plural noun that all three are meant.

Page 21 note 11 Searle, , Onomasticon, p. 154Google Scholar, s. Cyneburh.

Page 21 note 12 I am grateful to Professors G. T. Shepherd, P. A. M. Clemoes, T. J. Brown and D. Whitelock for helpful comments on drafts of this article.