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Archbishop Sigeric's journey to Rome in 990

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 September 2008

Veronica Ortenberg
Veronica Ortenberg
Affiliation:
St Hugh's College, Oxford
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Extract

According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Archbishop Sigeric of Canterbury went to Rome in 990, to fetch his pallium. Sigeric, formerly a monk of Glastonbury and then abbot of St Augustine's, Canterbury, had been consecrated bishop of Ramsbury in 985, and became archbishop of Canterbury at the end of 989 or at the beginning of 990, on the death of Archbishop Æthelgar. During the journey, or more likely, once he had returned to England, he committed to writing a diary covering his journey and his stay in Rome. This year, the 1000th anniversary of Sigeric's visit to the ‘city of St Peter’, as medieval travellers called Rome, seems a suitable time to undertake a new examination of the considerable devotional and artistic impact of the Roman pilgrimage on the cultural and spiritual life of the late Anglo-Saxon Church.

Type
Research Article
Information
Anglo-Saxon England , Volume 19 , December 1990 , pp. 197 - 246
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1990

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References

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25 The best account of Benedict Biscop's journeys to Rome is in Bede's, Historia abbatum, ptd Venerabilis Baedae Opera Historica, ed. Plummer, C., 2 vols. (Oxford, 1896) I, 364–87Google Scholar. Wilfrid's visits are described in Colgrave, B., The Life of Bishop Wilfrid by Eddius Stephanus (Cambridge, 1927), pp. 10–13, 66–7 and 120–1Google Scholar. In his account of one of Biscop's journeys (Historia abbatum, p. 373), Bede states that Biscop brought back books, relics of the apostles and martyrs, the archcantor of St Peter's, a letter of privilege for his foundations, and pictures and holy images (of which a detailed account is given) to decorate Wearmouth. Bede further describes the pictures which Biscop brought back for Jarrow: ‘imagines quoque ad ornandum monasterium aecclesiamque beati Pauli apostoli de concordia veteris et novi Testamenti summa ratione conpositas exibuit; verbi gratia, Isaac ligna, quibus inmolaretur portantem, et Dominum crucem in qua pateretur aeque portantem, proxime super invicem regione, pictura coniunxit. Item serpenti in heremo a Moyse exaltato, Filium homines in cruce exaltatum conparavit.’ (‘He also displayed, for the adorning of the monastery and church of the blessed apostle Paul, paintings showing the agreement of the Old and New Testaments, most cunningly ordered: for example, a picture of Isaac carrying the wood on which he was to be slain, was joined (in the next space answerable above) to one of the Lord carrying the cross on which He likewise was to suffer. He also set together the Son of Man lifted up on the cross with the serpent lifted up by Moses in the wilderness.’ Transl. from King, J. E., Baedae Opera Historica, 2 vols. (London, 1930) II, 413–15).Google Scholar

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37 Ibid. p. 128.

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43 See Öhlmann, E., ‘Die Alpenpässe im Mittelalter’, Jahrhuch für Schweizerischc Geschichte 3 (1878), 165–289Google ScholarScheffel, P.H., Verkehrungsgeschichte der Alpen, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1914)Google Scholar II, passim; and Tyler, J.E., The Alpine Passes in the Middle Ages (962–1250) (Oxford, 1930), pp. 21–33.Google Scholar

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56 Tronzo, W., ‘Two Roman Wall Decorations’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 41 (1987), 489–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar, suggests that this cycle may have been added in the later Middle Ages; his argument, based on his view that the figures drawn by Grimaldi have a ‘Gothic sway’, does not seem to me very convincing. I am grateful to Professor R. Deshman for having brought this paper to my attention.

57 On Pega's tomb, see Armellini, , Le chiese II, 921Google Scholar. His statement, however, is based on a spurious Crowland text of the later Middle Ages, the Pseudo-Ingulf; see Colgrave, B., Felix's Life of St Guthlac (Cambridge, 1956), pp. 192–3.Google Scholar

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59 Liber Pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, II, 19.Google Scholar

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61 This was one of the four monasteries within the Vatican itself.

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63 Pesci, , ‘L'ltinerario’, p. 52.Google Scholar

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67 Armellini, , Le chiese 1, 490Google Scholar: ‘Hee sunt reliquie que sunt recondite in altari maiori … craticula super qua assatus fuit’.

68 This was the name used to describe the earliest places of worship in Rome since the third century. Originally founded and supported by a wealthy Christian convert, often in his or her own house, it later came to signify the pastoral ‘living’ of a priest.

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76 Apart from the basilica on the Via Nomentana, the other two were Sant' Agnese ad due furna and Sant' Agnese in Agone, on the alleged place of her martyrdom. Armellini, , Le chiese II, 1063–71Google Scholar; Huelsen, , Le chiese, pp. 170Google Scholar and 238–9; Krautheimer, , Corpus Basilicarum I, 14–39.Google Scholar

77 The apse mosaic may have been of the same type as that at Sant' Agnese, representing the titular saint between two popes: Waetzoldt, , Kopien, p. 47.Google Scholar

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79 Liber pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, I, 312Google Scholar. This tradition is recorded in various early sources such as Philocalus, the Acts of St Sebastian, of the fifth century, and Gregory the Great's letters.

80 de Rossi, , Roma sotterranea I, 225–9Google Scholar. This cemetery was by then already known as ‘St Callixtus's’. The church itself was further associated with Gregory the Great, who reputedly preached his famous 37th Homily on the Gospel there.

81 Armellini, , Le chiese II, 1112–28Google Scholar; Huelsen, , Le chiese, p. 460Google Scholar; Krautheimer, , Corpus Basilicarum IV, 99–147.Google Scholar

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85 The importance of St Andrew and St Luke needs underlining; the popularity of St Peter's brother in England (he was venerated second only to his brother) was originally based on the devotion to him in Rome, especially from the age of Gregory the Great onwards, who dedicated to the Apostle the monastery he had founded in his own home on Mount Caelius. St Augustine and his monks of the mission to England in 597 belonged to that community, of whom Augustine had been the prior.

86 Armellini, , Le chiese II, 1151–62Google Scholar; Huelsen, . Le chiese, pp. 415–16Google Scholar; Krautheimer, , Corpus Basilicarum V, 93–164.Google Scholar

87 Hamilton, , ‘The Monastery of S. Alessio and the Religious and Intellectual Renaissance of Tenth-Century Rome’, in his Monastic Reform, pp. 269–72Google Scholar; also more generally on the monastery, see Ferrari, , Early Roman Monasteries, pp. 76–87Google Scholar. Dr Hamilton has suggested to me that Sigeric's interest in the martyr of Tarsus, Boniface, may have been prompted by the veneration for this saint in England, possibly known through Archbishop Theodore. The saint was entered in several late-tenth-century calendars.

88 Hamilton, , ‘City of Rome’, pp. 15–20Google Scholar, and ‘Orientale lumen and magistra latinitas: Greek Influences on Western Monasticism (900–1100)’, in his Monastic Reform, pp. 188–9Google Scholar and 209–11.

89 Ibid. pp. 213–15; ‘City of Rome’, pp. 15–24, and ‘Monastery of S. Alessio’, pp. 265–310, at 282–91. Armellini, , Le chiese II, 715–19Google Scholar; Huelsen, , Le chiese, pp. 171–2Google Scholar; Krautheimer, , Corpus Basilicarum I, 41–2.Google Scholar

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95 St Pancras was popular in England because some of his relics had been sent to King Oswiu of Northumbria by Pope Vitalian in the seventh century; see HE III. 29 (Bede's Ecclesiastical History, ed. Colgrave, and Mynors, , pp. 320–1Google Scholar). Armellini, , Le chiese II, 1181–7Google Scholar; Huelsen, , Le chiese, p. 409Google Scholar; Krautheimer, , Corpus Basilicarum III, 153–74.Google Scholar

96 Armellini, , Le chiese I, 589–92Google Scholar; Huelsen, , Le chiese, p. 363.Google Scholar

97 The mosaic was subsequently destroyed and is known to us from a letter of Pope Hadrian I to Charlemagne; see Matthiae, , Pittura, p. 104.Google Scholar

98 Armellini, , Le chiese 1, 309–12Google Scholar; Huelsen, , Le chiese, pp. 201–2Google Scholar; Krautheimer, , Corpus Basilicarum I, 78–83.Google Scholar

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100 On the Sancta Sanctorum, see Lauer, P., ‘Le trésor du Sancta Sanctorum’, Monuments et Mémoires publicés par l' Académic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 15 (1906), 7–140Google Scholar, and Grisar, H., Die römische Kapelle Sancta Sanctorum und ihr Schatz (Freiburg, 1908).Google Scholar

101 The Good Friday procession is described in the Appendix to the Itinerary of Einsiedeln.

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103 Armellini, , Le chiese II, 981–9Google Scholar; Huelsen, , Le chiese, p. 243Google Scholar; Krautheimer, , Corpus Basilicarum I, 165–94.Google Scholar

104 Armellini, , Le chiese I, 281–94Google Scholar; Huelsen, , Le chiese, p. 342Google Scholar; Krautheimer, , Corpus Basilicarum III, 1–60.Google Scholar

105 Armellini, , Le chiese I, 260–3Google Scholar; Huelsen, , Le chiese, pp. 418–19Google Scholar; Krautheimer, , Corpus Basilicarum III, 178–231.Google Scholar

106 Magoun, , ‘Rome’, pp. 275–6Google Scholar; Armellini, , Le chiese I, 249–50Google Scholar; Pesci, , ‘L'ltinerario’, p. 55.Google Scholar

107 Huelsen, , Le chiese, p. 293Google Scholar; Armellini, , Le chiese I, 249–51Google Scholar; Huelsen, , Le chiese, pp. 292–3Google Scholar; Krautheimer, , Corpus Basilicarum II, 185.Google Scholar

108 Moore, , Saxon Pilgrims, p. 86.Google Scholar

109 See Symons, T., Regularis Concordaia Anglicae Nationis Monachorum Sanctimonialiumque: the Monastic Agreement of the Monks and Nuns of England (London, 1953), pp. 36–52.Google Scholar

110 Cambridge, University Library, Ff.1.23 (?Winchcombe or Ramsey, s. ximed), 280r.

111 Aldhelm's, De Virginitate, ed. Ehwald, R., MGH, Auct. Antiq. 15, 298–9Google Scholar and 432–4; Ælfric's Lives of Saints, ed. Skeat, W. W., 2 vols., EETS 76, 82, 94 and 114 (London, 1881–1900) I, 170–95.Google Scholar

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113 The martyrdom of St Laurence was depicted, for example, in two manuscripts from Christ Church, Canterbury, though the first was a copy of the ‘Utrecht Psalter’: these are London, British Library, Harley 603, a psalter (s. xi1), 19r, and Cotton Caligula A. xiv, a troper (s.ximed), 25r.

114 Numerous other examples can be given for saints who appear in eleventh-century sources, such as St Praxedis or St Petronilla.

115 For the crypt at Canterbury, see Brooks, N., The Early History of the Church of Canterbury: Christ Church from 597 to 1066 (Leicester, 1984), pp. 41–2Google Scholar; for the images brought back by Biscop, see above p. 202, no. 25. and the description of the Lateran nave cycle.

116 Florence, Bibliotheca Medicea Laurenziana, Plut. XVIII. 20 (Christ Church, Canterbury, s. xi1); see Temple, E., Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts 900–1066 (London, 1976), no. 69Google Scholar and ill. 232.

117 Sant' Anastasio had a Greek community, but I emphasize its link with St Paul, which would have recommended the church to the pilgrims on that account as well.

118 Krautheimer, , Rome, pp. 109–42Google Scholar. There is also no reference to the monastery of San Gregorio Magno, founded by Gregory the Great on his house on Mount Caelius in honour of St Andrew, which one would expect English pilgrims to have wished to visit.

119 Pesci, , ‘L'ltinerario’, pp. 58–60.Google Scholar

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121 A church which had baptismal rights and was usually collegiate; it corresponds, generally speaking, to a parish church.

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125 On Sienna, see Repetti, , Dizionario V, 297–303Google Scholar and 364–80; Schevill, F., Siena: the Story of a Medieval Commune (London, 1909)Google Scholar; and Hook, J., Siena: a History of the City (London, 1979).Google Scholar

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127 Ibid. 1, 330–1.

128 Ibid. 1, 796. Repetti ascribes the first mention of pievi dependent on San Giovanni, amongst which is a pieve of SS Pietro e Paolo di Valconeghisi, to a thirteenth-century list. Thus, Sigeric's entry may be, yet again, the first piece of evidence for the existence of a church.

129 Ibid. 1, 352–3 and V, 80.

130 Ibid. 1, 146.

131 Ibid. IV, 581.

132 On Lucca, see I. Barsali, Belli, ‘La topografia di Lucca nei secoli VIII-X’, Attidel 5. Congresso Internazionale di Studi sull' Alto Medioevo (Lucca) (Spoleto, 1973), pp. 461–554Google Scholar, and Perkins, B. Ward, From Classical Antiquity to the Middle Ages. Urban Public Buildings in Northern and Central Italy AD 300–850 (Oxford, 1984)Google Scholar, Appendix 2, pp. 245–9.

133 Magoun, , ‘Pilgrim-Diary’, p. 239Google Scholar; see also Osheim, D. J., An Italian Lordship: the Bishopric of Lucca in the Late Middle Ages (Berkeley, 1977), pp. 1–12Google Scholar; Lestocquoy, J., ‘The Tenth Century’, Etudes d'histoire urbaine. Villes et Abbayes. Arras au Moyen Age (Arras, 1966), p. 43.Google Scholar

134 On his return from Rome, he commissioned the Great Rood at Bury to be modelled on the Volto Santo; see ‘Registrum Album Monasterii Sancti Edmundi’ in London, British Library, Add. 14847, 21r.

135 Hodoeporicon of St Willibald, in Talbot, C.H., The Anglo-Saxon Missionaries in Germany (London, 1954), pp. 157–8.Google Scholar

136 Barsali, Belli, ‘Topografia’, p. 528Google Scholar. This may be King Æthelbald of Mercia.

137 On Luni, see Pistarino, G., Le pievi della diocesi di Luni, pt I (La Spezia, 1961), pp. 51–2Google Scholar, and Conti, P.M., Luni nell' alto medioevo (Padua, 1967).Google Scholar

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140 Flodoard, , Histoire de l' Eglise de Reims, ed. Lejeune, M. et al. , 2 vols. (Rheims, 1854) 1, 145–7Google Scholar. This saint spent some time at Rheims and took some relics of St Rémi to Berceto, where the original dedication of the abbey had been St Rémi.

141 Magoun, , ‘Pilgrim-Diary’, p. 241.Google Scholar

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148 Guida d'italia del Touring Club Ilaliano: Piemonte (Milan, 1961), pp. 613Google Scholar and 622, and Gougaud, , ‘Sur les routes’, p. 257Google Scholar. On the hospital and on English pilgrims in Vercelli, such as those possibly responsible for bringing there the ‘Vercelli book’, see Halsall, M., ‘Vercelli and the Vercelli Book’, PMLA 84 (1969), 1545–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Tommasini, A. M., Irish Saints in Italy (London, 1937), p. 246.Google Scholar

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152 Jaccard, H., Essai de toponymie: origine des noms de lieux babités et de lieux-dits de la Suisse romande, Mémoires et documents publiés par la Société d'histoire de la Suisse romande 7 (Lausanne, 1906), 522.Google Scholar

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163 Wilmart, A., ‘La légende de Ste Edith en prose et en vers par le moine Goscelin’, AB 56 (1938), 5–101Google Scholar and 265–307, at 50.

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165 On Laon, see Devisme, J.F.L., Histoire de la ville de Laon (Laon, 1822) I, 15–124.Google Scholar

166 Memorials, ed. Stubbs, , p. 395Google Scholar n. 73, provided three alternative interpretations: St Martin on the Amignon, Mont St Martin near Cambrai, and Martinpuich near Bapaumes. The first of these would be the most likely of the three because this place is on the way to Doingt, the next stop.

167 HE III. 19 (Bede's Ecclesiastical History, ed. Colgrave, and Mynors, , pp. 268–77Google Scholar); for the relic, see Eadmer, , ‘De Reliquiis Sancti Audoeni et Quorundam Aliorum Sanctorum quae Cantuariae Aecclesiae Domini Salvatoris Habentur’, ed. Wilmart, A.,Revue des Sciences Religieuses 15 (1935), 362–70Google Scholar, at 365.

168 On Arras, see Lestocquoy, , Etudes, pp. 85–6Google Scholar, 92 and 127–35.

169 Ibid. pp. 383–4. There are other manuscripts from St Vaast which may have reached England before the Conquest, for example, Cambridge, Trinity College R. 15. 14, an antiphonary written there at the end of the tenth century (Keynes, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, no. 12). After the Conquest, the connection was still active, if somewhat dramatically, when Abbot Seiwold of Bath fled there, taking his library with him, which he then bequeathed to St Vaast; see Grierson, P., ‘Les livres de l'abbé Seiwold de Bath’, RB 52 (1940), 96–116Google Scholar, and Lapidge, M., ‘Surviving Booklists from Anglo-Saxon England’, Literature and Learning in Anglo-Saxon England: Studies presented to Peter Clemoeson the Occasion of his Sixty-Fifth Birthday, ed. Lapidge, M. and Gneuss, H. (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 33–89Google Scholar, at 58–62.

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173 Bede's, Historia abbatum, in Baedae Opera Historica, ed. Plummer, , pp. 385–7Google Scholar; and the Anonymous Historia abbatum, ibid., pp. 401–3. Bede also entered the names of the three patron saints of Langres in his Martyrology (Quentin, , Les martyrologes, p. 47).Google Scholar

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