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The Politics of Nativism: Ethnic Prejudice and Political Power in Mato Grosso, 1831-1834*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Ron L. Seckinger
Ron L. Seckinger*
Affiliation:
University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
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Extract

Nativism has proved an enduring theme in the history of the New World. Successive waves of immigration have brought groups of diverse cultural and ethnic origins into intimate contact within the nations of the Americas. The bitter fruit of such contact has frequently been nativism, which here refers to a social movement that seeks to purge elements considered alien to a culture.

Nativist movements have usually been directed against latecomers who pose a threat to established groups. In 1798, for example, the Federalist administration of the United States attempted to use popular hostility toward French and Irish immigrants as a weapon against Jefferson's Republican party, which tended to attract new arrivals from Europe. The Alien Acts limited the political activities of immigrants and marked the foreign-born as potential subversives. The Sedition Act was designed to suppress criticism of the administration and indirectly challenged the liberal ideas of the French Revolution.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Americas , Volume 31 , Issue 4 , April 1975 , pp. 393 - 416
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 1975

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Footnotes

*

Research for this study was made possible by a grant from the Foreign Area Fellowship Program. An earlier version was presented at the Duquesne History Forum, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, October 27,1971.

References

I am grateful to Neill Macaulay, Eul-soo Pang, Joseph S. Tulchin, Harold A. Bierck, and William L. Harris for their comments.

1 See Wallace, Anthony F.C., “Nativism and Revivalism,” International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (17 vols.; New York, 1968), 11, 75–80.Google Scholar See also Linton, Ralph, “Nativistic Movements,” American Anthropologist, 45, No. 2 (Apr.-June 1943), 230–240.CrossRefGoogle Scholar This use of the term differs from that of Burns, E. Bradford, Nationalism in Brazil. A Historical Survey (New York, 1968), 9.Google Scholar

2 Smith, James Morton, Freedom’s Fetters. The Alien and Sedition Laws and American Civil Liberties (Ithaca, N.Y., 1956)Google Scholar; and Miller, John C., Crisis in Freedom. The Alien and Sedition Acts (Boston, 1951).Google Scholar

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4 Pescatello, Ann Marie, “Both Ends of the Journey: An Historical Study of Migration and Change in Brazil and Portugal, 1889–1914” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 1970), 248–254 Google Scholar; Hall, Michael M., “The Italians in São Paulo, 1880–1920,” paper presented at annual meeting of American Historical Association, Dec. 28, 1971 Google Scholar; and Carneiro, J. Fernando, lmigração e Colonização no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1950), 31–37.Google Scholar

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6 Harold D. Sims, “The Expulsion of the Spaniards from Mexico (18211828)” (Ms, to be published by Fondo de Cultura Económica, México) and “Las clases económicas y la dicotomía criollo-peninsular en Durango, 1827,” Historia Mexicana, XX, No. 4 (Apr.-June 1971), 539–562; and Caballero, Romeo Flores, La contra-revolución en la indepen-dencia. Los españoles en la vida política, social y económica de México (1804–1838) (México, 1969).Google Scholar

7 For the origins of Lusophobia, see Prado, Caio Jr., The Colonial Background of Mod-ern Brazil, trans. Macedo, Suzette (Berkeley, 1967), 94–95, 405–407, 426–427.Google Scholar For nativism during the First Empire, see Monteiro, Tobias, História do Império. O Primeiro Reinado (2 vols.; Rio de Janeiro, 1939–1946), especially II, 25–29 Google Scholar; and da Cunha, Pedro Octávio Carneiro, “A fundação de um império liberal,” in História Geral da Civilização Brasiliera, ed. de Holanda, Sérgio Buarque (5 vols.; São Paulo, 1960–1967),Google Scholar Tomo II: O Brasil Monárquico, Vol. I: O Processo de Emancipação, 382–397.

8 To my knowledge, no comprehensive treatment of Brazilian nativism exists. da Silva, J.M. Pereira, Historia do Brazil durante a Menoridade de D. Pedro II (1831 a 1840) (2nd ed. rev.; Rio de Janeiro, [1888]),Google Scholar may serve as a rough guide to the nativist content of the various revolts of the Regency period. For specific revolts, see de Andrade, Manuel Correia, Movimentos Nativistas em Pernambuco: Setembrizada e Novembrada (Recife, 1971)Google Scholar; de Abranches, Dunshee, A Setembrada, ou a Revolução Liberal de 1831 em Maranhão. Romance histórico (Rio de Janeiro, 1933)Google Scholar; and Raiol, Domingos Antônio, Motíns Políticos. Ou história dos principais acontecimentos políticos da Província do Pará desde o ano de 1821 até 1835 ([2nd ed.]; 3 vols.; [Belém], 1970).Google Scholar

9 [Augusto Le verger], de Melgaço, Barão, “Apontamentos cronológicos da província de Mato Grosso,” Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasilero (hereafter cited as RIHGB), 205 (Oct.-Dec. 1949), 348.Google Scholar According to figures published in A Matutina Meiapontense (Meia Ponte, Goiás), June 28, 1831, the total population of Mato Grosso in 1831 was 30,701. Census data from other years reveal a relatively steady slave population at about one third of the total; thus the estimate of 20,000 free persons.

10 Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro, Arquivo (hereafter cited as IHGB-A), Rio de Janeiro, lata 12, doc. 26: “Capitania-Mór da Cidade de Cuyabá. Estetística da população, com designação dos chefes de família e pessôas d’ela. 1827–31 Maio,” Ms. Most of the information concerning the Portuguese came from this document, but some data were gleaned from scattered archival and published sources.

11 Filho, Virgílio Corrêa, Notas à Margem (Sao Paulo, 1924), 94,96,100.Google Scholar

12 de Alincourt, Luiz, “Rezultado dos trabalhos e indagações statisticas da Provincia de Matto Grosso, por Luiz d’ Alincourt, Sargento-Môr Engenheiro, encarregado da Commissão Statistica Topografica ácerca de mesma Provincia (Cuyabá 1828),” Anais da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro, 8 (1880–1881), 64.Google Scholar

13 Florence, Hercules, Viagem Fluvial do Tietê ao Amazonas, de 1825 a 1829, trans. Afonso de Escragnolle Taunay (2nd ed.; São Paulo, 1948), 179.Google Scholar

14 Hobsbawn, E. J., Primitive Rebels. Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movement in the 19th and 20th Centuries (New York, 1965), 109.Google Scholar

15 A Matutina Meiapontense, Nov. 6, 1833.

16 Ibid., Mar. 15, 1831. For a general discussion of vagrancy in the late colonial era, see Prado, , Colonial Background, 328–333,402–414.Google Scholar

17 Gomes Jardim, Ricardo José, Discurso Recitado pelo Exm. Presidente da Provincia de Mato Grosso, Ricardo José Gomes Jardim, na Abertura da Sessão Ordinaria da Assembléa Legislativa Provincial em 10 de Junho de 1846 (Cuiabá, 1846), 6.Google Scholar

The violence that pervaded the lives of the free poor is admirably discussed in a case study of a community in São Paulo province during the nineteenth century: de Carvalho Franco, Maria Sylvia, Homens Livres na Ordem Escravocrata (São Paulo, 1969), 19–60.Google Scholar

18 “Ai! Jesus!/Que vou a morrer!/Tanto serviço,/tão pouco comer!” de Mesquita, José, “Gente e cousas de antanho. Periodo colonial,” Revista do Instituto Histórico de Mato Grosso (hereafter cited as RIHMT), Anos XXIX–XXX, Tomos 57–60 (1947–1948), 16.Google Scholar Abundant documentation of the harsh conditions suffered by the soldiers is available in the Arquivo Público do Estado de Mato Grosso (hereafter cited as APEMT), Cuiabá.

Since my research in Cuiabá in 1967 and 1968, a reorganization of the state government has transformed the APEMT into the Departamento de Documentação e Arquivo, Secretaria de Administração do Estado de Mato Grosso.

19 APEMT, caixa 1826: Antônio José Ramos e Costa to José Saturnino da Costa Pereira, Diamantino, Aug. 22, 1826.

20 Seven periquitos were indicted for their participation in the 1834 uprising in Cuiabá; see the sources listed in footnote 79. Concerning the periquitos’ revolt in Bahia, see Laércio Caldeira de Andrade, “O cel. Felisberto Gomes Caldeira e a independencia da Bahia. O coronel José Bonifácio Caldeira de Andrada e suas ‘Memorias.’” Primeiro Congresso de História da Bahia, Anais (5 vols.; Salvador, 1950–1951), III, 213–234; and “Memoria descriptiva dos attentados da facção demagogica na provincia da Bahia. Contendo a narração circumstanciada da rebellião de 25 Outubro de 1824, e mais factos relativos, até o dia do embarque para Pernambuco do 3° batalhão de linha, denominado dos—periquitos—e contendo as relações officiaes da tropa reunida fòra da cidade por causa da dita rebellião,” RIHGB, XXX, Pt. 1 (1867), 233–355.

21 Ata of administrative council (copy), Cuiabá, Oct. 14, 1832, published in “Documentos sobre a Rusga,” RIHMT, Anos XIII–XIV, Tomos 25–28 (1931–1932), 169–170.

22 Manso’s career is treated in Filho, Corrêa, Notas à Margem, 21–30 Google Scholar; Monteiro, J. Remedios, “Biographia do Dr. Antonio Luiz Patricio da Silva Manso,” RIHGB, 53, Pt. 2 (1890), 385–393 Google Scholar; de Magalhães, Basílio, “Biographia de Antonio Luiz Patricio da Silva Manso,” Archivos do Museu Nacional do Rio de Janeiro, 22 (1919), 77–96 Google Scholar; de Mendonça, Rubens, O Tigre de Cuiabá (Campo Grande, 1966)Google Scholar; and Cassiano, Franklin, “Antonio Luiz Patricio da Silva Manso,” RIHMT, Ano XVI, Tomos 31–32 (1934), 57–71.Google Scholar Concerning Poupino, see de Mesquita, José, “João Poupino Caldas,” ibid., 73–117.Google Scholar

23 Arquivo Nacional, Seção dos Ministérios (hereafter cited as AN-SM), Rio de Janeiro, pasta IJJ9 505: Antônio Corrêa da Costa to Manoel José de Sousa França (No. 32), Cuiabá, Sept. 2, 1831.

24 Decree No. 252, Aug. 18, 1831, Collecção das Decisões do Governo do Brazil de 1831 (Rio de Janeiro, 1876), 190–191.

25 AN-SM, pasta IG1 260: Atas of administrative council (copies), Dec. 7 and 8, 1831, accompanying João Poupino Caldas to Manoel da Fonseca Lima e Silva (No. 44), Cuiabá, Jan. 4, 1832. The Adotivos were reinstated by order of the Regency in June 1832, with the exception of Nunes, who declined to resume his post because of illness. Poupino retained the provincial military command until replaced by a new imperial appointee in November 1832. [Leverger], “Apontamentos cronológicos,” 345–346.

26 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 505: Atas of administrative council (copies), Cuiabá, Oct. 13, 14, and 16, 1832, accompanying Corrêa da Costa to José Lino Coutinho, Cuiabá, Nov. 7, 1832.

27 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 505: Administrative council to [Pedro II], Cuiabá, May 4, 1832, and accompanying documents; and A Matutina Meiapontense, June 9 and July 4, 1832.

28 A Matutina Meiapontense, June 9, 1832.

29 Raiol, , Motíns Políticos, 1, 256–259.Google Scholar

30 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 527: Antônio Luiz Patrício da Silva Manso to Nicolau Pereira de Campos Vergueiro, Cuiabá, Mar. 1, 1833.

31 APEMT, caixa 1833: Joaquim Francisco Gonçalves Ponce de Leão to Corrêa da Costa, Cuiabá, Mar. 28,1833.

32 Filho, Virgílio Corrêa, História de Mato Grosso (Rio de Janeiro, 1969), 479, 508, n. 106.Google Scholar

33 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 505: Ata of administrative council (copy), Cuiabá, Oct. 13, 1832, accompanying Corrêa da Costa to Coutinho, Cuiabá, Nov. 7, 1832.

34 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 527: Representação from Manso to João Vieira de Carvalho, Cuiabá, July 22,1825.

35 APEMT, caixa 1833: Board of revenue to Corrêa da Costa, Cuiabá, Feb. 13, 1833.

36 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 527: Manso to Vergueiro, Cuiabá, Mar. 1, 1833.

37 V[irgílio] Filho, Corrêa, Evolução do Erario (São Paulo, 1925), 51n.Google Scholar Conversion of contos into United States dollars is based on the 1833 exchange rate listed in Duncan, Julian Smith, Public and Private Operation of Railways in Brazil (New York, 1932), 183.Google Scholar

38 Alincourt, “Rezultado dos trabalhos,” 111n112n. As a deputy, Manso later asked the imperial government to honor notes on the Mato Grosso treasury amounting to 103 con-tos. Annaes do Parlamento Brazileiro. Câmara dos Srs. Deputados, 2° Anno da 3a Legislatura, Sessão de 1835 (July 14), Tomo II, 73. Apparently the debt was not paid, for at his death in 1848 Manso left notes totaling 134 contos. Magalhães, , “Biographia de Antonio Luiz Patricio da Silva Manso,” 88.Google Scholar

39 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 505: Corrêa da Costa to Coutinho, Cuiabá, Mar. 3, 1832; and Moutinho, Joaquim Ferreira, Noticia sobre a Provincia de Matto Grosso, Seguida d’um Roteiro da Viagem da Sua Capital á S. Paulo (São Paulo, 1869), 64.Google Scholar

40 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 527: Manso to Vergueiro, Cuiabá, Mar. 1, 1833.

41 AN-SM, pasta IJ1 918: Atas of administrative council (copies), Cuiabá, Mar. 7 and 23, 1833, and parecer of João Poupino Caldas and Joaquim da Costa Teixeira, Cuiabá, Mar. 7, 1833, accompanying André Gaudie Ley to Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leáo (No. 17), Cuiabá, June 1, 1833.

42 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 527: Manso to Vergueiro, Cuiabá, Mar. 31, 1833.

43 Biblioteca Pública do Estado de Mato Grosso, Cuiabá: “Annaes do Senado da Camara de Cuiabá,” Ms, fl. 197.

44 APEMT, caixa 1833: Cuiabá câmara to Corrêa da Costa, Apr. 1,1833.

45 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 505: Ata of administrative council (copy), Cuiabá, Apr. 15, 1833, accompanying Gaudie to Vergueiro (No. 12), Cuiabá, Apr. 27, 1833.

46 de Mesquita, José, “O capitão-mor André Gaudie Ley e a sua descendencia (Ensaio de reconstituição historico-genealogica),” RIHMT, Ano III, Tomos 5–6 (1922), 27–50.Google Scholar

47 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 505: Gaudie to Vergueiro (No. 12),Cuiabá, Apr. 27, 1833.

48 APEMT, caixa 1833: “Acta da apuração Geral dos Votos dos Collegios Eleitoraes de toda a Provincia para o Deputado, que deve reprezentar a mesma” (copy), Ms, Cuiabá, May 30, 1833. The three counties were Cuiabá, Mato Grosso, and Diamantino. In 1831 the imperial government created the município of Poconé, but the first municipal council was not installed until July 1833, after the elections for provincial offices had taken place.

49 APEMT, caixa 1833: “Acta da apuração geral dos votos para Membres do Conselho Geral de Provincia” (copy), Ms, Cuiabá, May 31, 1833; “Acta da apuração geral dos votos para Membros do Conselho da Presidencia” (copy), Ms, Cuiabá, June 1, 1833; and “Rellação dos Officiaes, e Offíciaes inferiores das quatro Companhias das Guardas Na-cionaes desta Cidade,” Ms, Cuiabá, Mar. 21, 1833, accompanying Antônio José Guimaráes e Silva to Corrêa da Costa, Cuiabá, Mar. 21, 1833.

50 No records of the nativist organization, the Sociedade dos Zelosos da Independência, are extant. The classification of individuals as nativists has therefore depended on identification in official documents. The most important source is a collection of depositions made by Cuiabá citizens who fled to Goiás on the occasion of the nativist uprising of May 1834. “Inquerito instaurado na cidade de Goyaz, pelo respectivo Juiz de Paz e por ordem do Governo da Provincia, a cerca dos successos de 30 de Maio em Cuyabá,” Oct. 10, 1834, published in “Centenario da ‘Rusga,’” RIHMT, Ano XVI, Tomos 31–32 (1934), 130–148. The personal information concerning the nativists was compiled from various archival sources.

51 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 505: Ata of administrative council (copy), Cuiabá, June 15, 1833, accompanying Gaudie to Vergueiro, Cuiabá, July 30, 1833.

52 AN-SM, pasta IJJ5 16: Portaria of Gaudie to Cuiabá câmara (copy), Cuiabá, June 17, 1833, accompanying Cuiabá câmara to Antônio Pinto Chichorro da Gama, Mar. 18, 1834. AN-SM, pasta IJ1 918: Gaudie to Carneiro Leáo (No. 20), Cuiabá, June 27, 1833.

53 Cartório do Segundo Ofício, Cuiabá: “Notas Geraes,” Ms, Livro 4 (1830–1834), fis. 141–142.

54 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 505: Ata of administrative council (copy), Cuiabá, July 8, 1833, accompanying Gaudie to Vergueiro, Cuiabá, July 23, 1833. AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 527: Manso to Vergueiro, Cuiabá, July 31, 1833. The Minister of Empire removed Manso from the post of secretary on July 9, but the decree did not arrive in Cuiabá until September. AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 505: Gaudie to Aureliano de Sousa e Oliveira Coutinho, Cuiabá, Sept. 28, 1833. Manso’s removal probably stemmed from his association with Innocentes. A few weeks previously, the Minister of Empire had instructed Corrêa da Costa to chastise the friar for his part in the Rio Negro rebellion and had mentioned that Manso was the priest’s intermediary. Decree No. 314, June 15, 1833, Collecção das Decisões do Governo do Imperio do Brasil de 1833 (Rio de Janeiro, 1873), 219.

55 “Estatutos da Sociedade dos Zellosos da Independencia installada na cidade de Cuiabá, Provincia de Matto Grosso,” A Matutina Meiapontense, Nov. 13, 1833. In 1835 Manso spoke at length before the Chamber of Deputies concerning the creation of the nativist society; unfortunately, the speech was not recorded in full, but merely summarized briefly. Annaes do Parlamento Brazileiro. Câmara dos Srs. Deputados, 2° Anno da 3a Legislatura, Sessão de 1835 (July 11), Tomo II, 67.

56 [Leverger], “Apontamentos cronológicos,” 349.

57 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 505: Gaudie to Oliveira Coutinho, Cuiabá, Aug. 29, 1833. AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 527: Ata of administrative council (copy), Cuiabá, Aug. 30, 1833, and representació from Gaudie to [Pedro II], Cuiabá, Feb. 4,1834.

58 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 527: Manso to Corrêa da Costa, [Cuiabá], Dec. 6, 1833, copied in certidão, Jan. 7,1834; and [Leverger], “Apontamentos cronológicos,” 348.

59 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 505: Ata of administrative council (copy), Cuiabá, Nov. 13, 1833, accompanying Corrêa da Costa to Chichorro da Gama, Cuiabá, Dec. 30, 1833. Gaudie later claimed that fifty-one members of the Society of the Zealots of Independence had gathered in Manso’s home on November 13 for the purpose of overthrowing the provincial government. Deposition of André Gaudie Ley, “Inquerito,” Oct. 10, 1834, published in “Centenario da ‘Rusga,’” 138.

60 Depositions of Francisco Manoel Vieira and Bernardo José Vieira, “Inquerito,” Oct. 10, 1834, published in “Centenario da ‘Rusga,’” 131, 134. President Antônio Pedro de Alencastro later asserted that Corrêa da Costa had been a member of the nativist society. AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 506: Alencastro to Joaquim Vieira da Silva e Souza (No. 60), Cuiabá, Aug. 17, 1835.

61 A Matutina Meiapontense, Jan. 29, 1834.

62 Ibid., Feb. 22, 1834.

63 Ibid., Feb. 26, 1834.

64 Câmara dos Deputados, Diretoria do Arquivo, Seção Histórica (hereafter cited as CD-DA-SH), Brasília, 1835, amarrado F, maço 1, pasta 1: “Acta da nova apuração Geral dos votos dos Collegios Eleitoraes de toda a Provincia de Mato-Grosso, para o Deputado, que deve Representar a mesma” (copy), Ms, Cuiabá, Feb. 7, 1834. According to legend, a woman whose husband was killed in the nativist uprising in Cuiabá ruined Manso’s political career by shouting “Assassin!” at him as the deputy entered the Chamber to take his seat for the first time in September 1834. See [Alfredo de Escragnolle Taunay], de Taunay, Visconde, “A cidade de Matto-Grosso (antiga Villa-Bella), o rio Guaporé e a sua mais illustre victima,” RIHGB, 54,Pt. 2 (1891), 83–85.Google Scholar

65 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 527: Representação from Gaudie to [Pedro II], Cuiabá, Feb. 4, 1834.

66 CD-DA-SH, 1834, amarrado B, maço 2, pasta 1: Corrêa da Costa to Chichorro da Gama (No. 3), Cuiabá, Jan. 31, 1834.

67 de Mendonça, Estêvão, Datas Matogrossenses (2 vols.; Rio de Janeiro, 1922), 1, 124–125.Google Scholar Mendonça says that Miranda was suspended by the general council, but this is surely an error.

68 IHGB-A, lata 168, doc. 8: “Manifesto dos acontecimentos que tiverão lugar na Cidade de Cuyabá, Provincia de Matto-Grosso, Em a noite da 30 de Maio do anno passado, acompanhado da exposição fiel dos factos que contribuirão para a sedição, operada em a mesma noite, e as consequencias que dahi se seguirão, até o dia 4 de Novembre daquelle anno, em que forão deportados o Juiz de Direito, e mais quatro Cidadãos. Rio de Janeiro. Na typographia de R. Ogier, Rua do Ouvidor n° 188, 1835,” Ms, fis. 1–2. This document is a copy of a broadside printed in 1835. It is also published as “Acontecimentos da ‘Rusga,’” RIHMT, Ano XVI,Tomos 31–32 (1934), 155–178.

69 Ata of administrative council, Cuiabá, May 10, 1834, published in “Documentos sobre a Rusga,” 171.

70 AN-SM, pasta IG1 260: Euzébio Luiz de Britto to José Manoel Alves Ferreira, Cuiabá, June. 15, 1834, accompanying Joaquim José de Almeida to Antero José Ferreira de Brito, Mato Gross, July 26, 1834. The letter is published in “Centenario da ‘Rusga,’” 149–152.

71 IHGB-A, lata 168, doc. 8: “Manifesto dos acontecimentos,” Ms, fl. 2.

72 Atas of administrative council, Cuiabá, May 24 and 26, 1834, published in “Documentos sobre a Rusga,” 172–173.

73 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 497: Poupino to Alencastro, Cuiabá, June 16, 1834, accompanying José Rodrigues Jardim to Chichorro da Gama, Goiás, July 14, 1834. AN-SM, pasta IG1 260: Britto to Alves Ferreira, Cuiabá, June 15, 1834, accompanying Almeida to Ferreira de Brito, Mato Grosso, July 26, 1834.

74 Ata of administrative council, Cuiabá, May 30, 1834, published in “Centenario da ‘Rusga,’” 147–148.

75 CD-DA-SH, 1835, amarrado D, maço 2, pasta 4: Alencastro to Oliveira Coutinho (No. 8), Cuiabá, Oct. 31, 1834. [Leverger], “Apontamentos cronológicos,” 350, also gives thirty-three as the total number of victims. A cross-check of all the names mentioned in the documents substantiates this figure. Other authors have suggested that the dead numbered in the hundreds, explaining away lesser estimates as the attempt of contemporaries to conceal the extent of the massacre. See Taunay, , “A cidade de Matto-Grosso,” 99 Google Scholar; and Cabrai, Octaviano, Histórias de urna Região (Mato Grosso, Fronteira Brasil-Bolívia e Rondônia) (Niteroi, 1963), 123.Google Scholar

76 Concerning the Rusga and its aftermath, see Seckinger, Ron L., “Politics in Mato Grosso, 1821–1851” (Ph. D. dissertation, University of Florida, 1970), 162–194 Google Scholar; and Filho, Corrêa, História de Mato Grosso, 485–496.Google Scholar

77 The process by which prejudice led to violence in Mato Grosso closely followed the sequence described by Allport, Gordon, The Nature of Prejudice (abridged ed.; Garden City, N.Y., 1958), 57–58.Google Scholar

78 For parallels with mass violence in Europe, see Rudé, George, The Crowd in History. A Study of Popular Disturbances in France and England, 1730–1848 (New York, 1964)Google Scholar and Paris and London in the Eighteenth Century. Studies in Popular Protest (New York, 1971) ; and Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels, chap. 7, “The City Mob.”

79 No exact listing of the rebels has been located, but cross-checking of archival sources yielded 109 names. This total may be incomplete, or it may be slightly inflated due to a lack of clarity in the lists. The major documents are as follows: AN-SM, pasta IJ1 918: List of persons under prosecution, Cuiabá, Oct. 23, 1834, accompanying Alencastro to Oliveira Coutinho, Cuiabá, Nov. 4, 1834; “Mappa demonstrative dos Reos pronunciados neste 1° Destricto do Termo da Villa do Diamantino, durante o ultimo Trimestre de 1834,” Ms, Dec. 18, 1834, and list of persons under prosecution, Cuiabá, Dec. 30, 1834, accompanying Alencastro to Oliveira Coutinho (No. 20), Cuiabá, Jan. 5, 1835; “Rellação dos individuos que forão Pronunciados por este Juizo de Paz do 1o Districto da Cidade de Cuyabá no primeiro trimeste do anno de 1835,” Ms, Mar. 31, 1835, accompanying Alencastro to Manoel Alves Branco (No. 41), Cuiabá, Apr. 26, 1835. APEMT, caixa 1836: “Rellação dos Prezos que Existem na Emdiovia Poblica desta Cidade,” Ms, Cuiabá, Feb. 16, 1836. APEMT, caixa 1837: “Mappa dos Criminozos Sentenciados pelo Tribunal do Jury desta Capital,” Ms, Cuiabá, Sept. 30, 1837.

80 Corrêa, Philogônio, “A significação da rusga,” RIHMT, Ano XVI, Tomos 31–32 (1934), 20 Google Scholar; Rodrigues, Firmo, “O elemento português na capitania de Matto Grosso,” ibid., 56 Google Scholar; and de Mesquita, José, “Espírito matogrossense,” Cultura Política, 2, No. 13 (Mar. 1942), 63.Google Scholar Mendonça, , O Tigre de Cuiabá, 42,Google Scholar blames the uprising on the climate of fear created by the Regency’s warning of a plot to restore Pedro I to the throne.

81 The major sources for reconstructing the role of the nativist leadership are the depositions in “Inquerito,” Oct. 10,1834, published in “Centenario da ‘Rusga.’”

82 de Faria, João Barbosa, “Apontamentos para a biographia do Brigadeiro Jeronymo Joaquim Nunes,” RIHMT, Ano XII, Tomos 23–24 ( 1930), 8.Google Scholar

83 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 506: Alencastro to Silva e Souza (Nos. 78 and 83), Cuiabá, Nov. 2 and 20,1835.

84 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 506: Estêvão Ribeiro de Rezende to Bernardo Pereira de Vasconcellos (No. 57), Cuiabá, Dec. 5, 1838.

85 Seckinger, , “Politics in Mato Grosso,” 191–192.Google Scholar

86 Ibid., 178–266, passim. See also de Mesquita, José, “Manoel Alves Ribeiro (Ensaio biographico),” RIHMT, Ano XX, Nos. 39–40 (1938), 3–32.Google Scholar

87 AN-SM, pasta IJJ9 505: Gaudie to Vergueiro (No. 12), Cuiabá, Apr. 27, 1833.

88 AN-SM, pasta IJ1 918: “Rellação dos individuos que forão Pronunciados por este Juizo de Paz do 1o Districto da Cidade de Cuyabá no primeiro trimeste do anno de 1835,” Ms, Mar. 31, 1835, accompanying Alencastro to Branco (No. 41), Cuiabá, Apr. 26, 1835. Mendonça, Datas Matogrossenses, I, 251, states that Miranda “was a republican who accommodated himself to the monarchy, because he considered it an intermediate political form for the advent of the democratic regime.” Mendonça fails to substantiate this claim with evidence of any kind. None of the eight ever stood trial.

89 Note the following comment by Linton, , “Nativistic Movements,” 239:Google Scholar “Rational [as opposed to magical] nativistic movements can readily be converted into mechanisms for aggression.”