Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-g8jcs Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-23T20:32:26.107Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Patrons, Brokers and Clients in the Families of the Elite in Colonial Caracas, 1595-1627***

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Stephanie Blank
Stephanie Blank*
Affiliation:
Indiana University Southeast, New Albany, Indiana
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

THE elite of seventeenth century Caracas manifests characteristics which can be related to the colonial nature of the society. Under conditions of imperialism centers of economic and political power are far removed from the local community. The elite in this situation must serve a dual role—it must face inward to master and develop the economic and political resources of the colony and at the same time it must face outward to exchange these resources with the metropole on which it is dependent. In an examination of the colonial society as a whole it appears that the elite is one monolithic group of men performing both these functions. But a study of the internal operation and structure of colonial elites may produce a schema of multiple character types—patrons, brokers and clients. In an environment which favors the operation of patron-clientelism as described in my previous article, “Patrons, Clients and Kin in Seventeenth Century Caracas,” the dual role of the colonial elite may distinguish patrons and brokers. Patrons may control the resources to which the community gives value while brokers transfer the valued resources which they do not control between the local dependency and the imperial system.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Americas , Volume 36 , Issue 1 , July 1979 , pp. 90 - 115
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 1979

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

The following abbreviations are used in the notes: ACC: Caracas. Consejo Municipal del Distrito Federal, Actas del cabildo de Caracas, I-VI (Caracas, 1943-1950); AGI: Archivo General de Indias, Seville; DCP: Despacho Parroquial, (Cathedral), Caracas, Bautizos I (1583-1610), II (1613-1625), III (1625-1643), IV (1578-1638); Defunciones (1625-1640); Matrimonios y Velaciones I (1615-1638); LPC: Caracas. Consejo Municipal del Distrito Federal. El Libro parroquial más antiguo de Caracas (Caracas, 1968); RP: Registro Principal, Caracas. Whenever possible references are cited by their dates. In presenting dates the first two digits of the year are omitted and are understood to be 15 in dates from 80 to 99 and 16 in dates from 00 to 27.

**

In the writing of this article I especially owe thanks to Professor John Lombardi of Indiana University.

References

1 Blank, Stephanie, “Patrons, Clients and Kin in Seventeenth Century Caracas: A Methodological Essay in Colonial Spanish American Social History,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 54:2 (May, 1974), 261–64.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2 Ibid.

3 These definitions are adaptations of categories developed by Paine, Robert in Patrons and Brokers in the East Arctic, Newfoundland Social and Economic Papers, 2 (Toronto, 1971), 8–20.Google Scholar

4 For an analytical description of feudal and modern roles in early modern European society see Barber, Elinore, The Bourgeoise in the Eighteenth Century (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1955), pp. 7–9.Google Scholar

5 The names of all people referred to will be followed by the numbers of the family charts at the end of the article in which they appear.

In a joint ceremony the brothers Baltasar Silva Rojas (3, 7) and Gaspar Silva Rojas (3, 7) married Clara de Guevara (3, 7) and Polonia de Guevara (3, 7), the daughters of their cousin Juana Díaz de Rojas (2, 7) and her husband Juan Guevara (2, 7). Their cousin Domingo Vázquez Rojas (5, 6) married his cousin Ana Díaz de Alfaro (5, 6) and his brother Juan Vázquez Rojas (5, 6) married her sister Francisca Díaz de Alfaro (5, 6).

Four descendants of governor Juan Villegas were tied into the Rojas' through marriage to the children of Juan Guevara Samaniego (2, 7) and Juana Díaz de Rojas (2, 7). María Rebolledo Almendares (7, 9) married Juan Ladrón de Guevara (7, 9), Lorenzo Martínez Villela (7, 8) married Magdalena Ladrón de Guevara (7, 8), Margarita Ponte (7, 10) married Gerónimo Ladrón de Guevara (7, 10) and Luisa de los Ríos Almendares (7, 9) married Francisco Ladrón de Guevara (7, 9). Their marriages made Baltasar (3, 7) and Gaspar de Silva (3, 7) their brothers-in-law.

6 Blank, 278–80.

7 The importance of the men who became regidores perpetuos is corroborated by the findings of James Lockhart and his students. Comment at a panel of the American Historical Association Eighty-Eighth Meeting, San Francisco, December 28, 1973.

8 The price for a position on the municipal council ranged from 2,000 to 9,000 reales while the average cost of a house was 4,201.73 reales, of an adult male slave 1,975.79 reales and a tract of land 1,982.16 reales. The total estates of prominent members of the society during the same period ranged from estimated values of 27,935 reales to 155,337 reales. (For an explanation of how these averages were estimated see Stephanie Blank, Social Integration and Social Stability in a Colonial Spanish American City, Caracas, 1595-1627, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin, 1971, 36). Those positions which brought with them the additional titles of contador, tesorero and depositario generally cost from 3,000 to 11,500 reales. One man held the pre-eminent position of alferez real throughout the period of this study. He bought it in 1594 for 11,000 reales. The office of alguacil mayor went for 35,000 reales in 1594 and 66,000 reales in 1622. (ACC, I, 27 May 94, 9 June 94; III 19 Feb 08, 30 Dec 08, 11 March 09, 27 August 10, 15 July 11; IV, 25 Feb 13, 31 Dec 16; V, 24 Dec 22, 30 Dec 22; VI, 1 Jan 25. RP. Testamentos. (1588-1631), (1595), (1602), (1614-1634).

9 AGI, Santo Domingo, 201, ex. 34, 1604.

10 Efforts of the crown to stop the colonists from carrying on contraband trade were futile despite the visits of royal investigators, and orders prohibiting the cultivation of the most widely smuggled commodities had to be rescinded; while efforts of the colonists to obtain from the crown a special license for two ships to sail directly from the annual fleet to Caracas and exemptions from customs duties were favorably rewarded. (ACC, I, 18 April 96, 7 April 97, 7 Oct 97, 26 March 98, 21 Sept 98, 12 Jan 99; II, Appendix, pp. 282-96, 8 July 00, 28 March 05; III, 1 Jan 07; IV, 28 April 12, 7 Jan 17, 3 Feb 18,9 Sept 19; V, 31 July 20, 28 Aug 21,9 Nov 21, 12 Jan 22. Santo Domingo, 201, ex. 44 (1605), ex. 48(1608), ex. 53 & 54(1615).

Restrictions on the personal service and congregation of encomienda Indians led to a rebellion in 1623. The municipal government imprisoned the interim governor for his excessive zeal in carrying out the royal order and shipped him back to Spain under guard. At the time this study closes the responsible officials had not yet received their final sentence but the fate of the Indians was already decided. In 1625 the council in Caracas had received a report from Madrid that the tribute of the Indians could continue to take the form of personal service. The rebellion achieved its objective. (ACC, V, 15 Feb 2 3, 2 Sept 23,30 Sept 23,4 May 24,7 Sept 24; VI, 15 Feb 2 5, 15 Nov 2 5, 22 Nov 2 5, 25 July 25. AGI, Escribania de Camara de Justicia, 674 B).

11 The issue over which the contest between civil and ecclesiastical leaders occurred was the removal of the benches of the municipal officials from the front of the cathedral. The bishop resorted to excommunication but the council met this with a decree from the audiencia (court of appeals) in Santo Domingo ordering the return of the seats to their traditional place near the altar. (ACC, II, 13 March 04; IV, 7 May 16, 9Oct 18, 24 Nov 18, 7 Sept 19, 21 Nov 19; V, 8 August 22, 5 Nov22, 20 May 23,15 July 23, 12 Sept 23).

12 Registro Principal, Caracas, Venezuela. Escribanos (1607), (1607-1608), (1609), (1610), (1612), (1614), (1616), (1617), (1618), (1619-1620), (1620), 1622-1623), (1626-1627).

13 Blank, 280.

14 Blank, Stephanie, “Patrons, Brokers and Clients within Colonial Spanish American Elites: Caracas, 1595-1627,” Historical Methods Newsletter.Google Scholar

15 ACC, IV, 14 Nov 12.

16 References to marriages and baptisms will not be footnoted individually but they can be checked in DCP, Matrimonios y Velaciones, I and Bautizos, I, II & III and in the LP.

17 ACC, IV, 14 Nov 12.

18 AGI, Santo Domingo, 27, ex. 84, 1594.

19 ACC, I, 12 Dec 97; II, 13 April03; V, 14Oct 23. Protocolos, 3 Jan 98. RP, Escribanías, (1622), 20 Sept 22.

2 Reference to the holding of municipal offices will not be footnoted individually but can be checked in the ACC.

21 ACC, III, 15 July 11.

22 ACC, II, Appendix, pp. 198-404.

23 AGI, Escribanía de Camara de Justicia, 658 B, 1603-1606.

24 RP. Testamentos, (1606), will of Sebastian Díaz de Alfaro.

25 ACC, I, 14 April 99; II, 21 Feb 00, 27 Oct 00, 16 May 05.

26 RP, Escribanías, (1614), 12 April 14.

27 ACC, V, 8 June 24; VI, 23 May 26; 20 June 26. RP, Escribanías, (1610), 3 June 10; (1614), 12 Feb 14; (1618), 14 July 18 (1620), 26 March 20.

28 ACC, I, 22 May 97, 14 April 99; Protocolos, 15 Nov 97; RP, Escribanías, (1614), 10 Feb 14.

29 AGI, Santo Domingo, 201, ex. 73, 3 March 21, RP, Escribanías, (1620), 13 Oct 10, 20 Nov 20.

30 Pablo Ponte’s (10) cousin Beatris (10) had a son Pedro Blanco de Ponte (8, 10) who was also an important broker. Pedro married Pablo’s niece Inés Ponte Infante (10). The importance of these relationships is seen in the fact that Pablo refers to these cousins as sisters and brothers, “primos hermanos” (RP, Escribanías, (1614), 12 April 14). After Inés’ death Pedro married a great granddaughter of governor Juan Villegas, as did Pablo Ponte’s cousin Margarita Ponte Rebolledo (9, 10). It is also probable that the union of Pablo's cousin Juan Ponte Rebolledo (10), a proprietary councilman, and Ursula Villegas (10) established another link between the families. In the absence of concrete evidence the rarity of the name Rebolledo leaves one to speculate on the relationship between Pablo's aunt María Rebolledo (10) and Juan Villegas’ grandson-in-law Francisco Rebolledo (9).

31 AGI, Escribanía de Cámara de Justicia, 658A. ACC, IV, 5 March 19,23 March 19; V, 16 Dec 23, 25 Oct 24. RP, Escribanías, (1623), 23 Aug 23; (1626-1627), 7 July 26.

32 Escribanías, (1620), 10 June 20. RP, Testamentos, (1588-1631), will of Francisco Castillo Borrego.

33 ACC, I, 12 January 99; III, 20 March 09.