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The Indian Directorate: Forced Acculturation in Portuguese America (1757-1799)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Colin MacLachlan
Colin MacLachlan*
Affiliation:
California State College, Long Beach, California
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Extract

One of the most important issues that confronted the colonial powers in the New World was the problem of European-Indian relations. Upon this pivotal point hinged such fundamental questions as political sovereignty, the moral responsibilities of Christian states towards aboriginal inhabitants and, on a less elevated level, the economic rights of the Europeans to the wealth and labor of the Indians. All colonial nations in the western hemisphere grappled with the problem introducing, modifying, and ultimately substituting a variety of institutions to regulate European-Indian contacts.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Americas , Volume 28 , Issue 4 , April 1972 , pp. 357 - 387
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 1972 

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References

1 Intermittent conflict and cooperation characterized the relationship between the missionaries and the crown throughout the mission period. See Kiemen, Mathias C., The Indian Policy of Portugal in the Amazon Region, 1614–1693 (Washington, D. C, 1954).Google Scholar For a brief summary of the conflict between the Jesuits, European settlers, and the government see Alden, Dauril, “Black Robes Versus White Settlers: The Struggle for ‘Freedom of the Indians’ in Colonial Brazil.” Attitudes of Colonial Power Towards the American Indian eds., Peckham, Howard and Gibson, Charles (Salt Lake City, 1969), 19–45.Google Scholar

2 Carvalho e Melo to Furtado, Mendonça, May 15, 1753, A Amazônia na era pombalina: Correspondencia inédita do governador e capitão-general do estado do Grão Pará e Maranhão Francisco Xavier de Mendonça Furtado, 1751–1759, ed. de Mendonça, Marcos Carneiro (3 vols.; Rio de Janeiro, n. d., (hereafter cited as C/FXMF), 1, 385–95.Google Scholar

3 Ibid.

4 A copy of the Diretório is included in Collecção da legislaçao portuguesa desde a última compilação dos ordenaçoes, redegída pelo Desembargador Antonio Delgado da Silva, legislaçao de 1750 a 1762 (Lisbon, 1830), I, 507.

5 The use of secular administrators was hardly new having been employed earlier in the preceding century. European settlers consistently pressed for their return and, in fact, the crown had authorized such secular administrators in 1684, but because of certain internal problems the plan was not implemented. Kiemen, p. 154.

6 Colin M. MacLachlan, “African Slavery and Economie Development in Amazonia,” Ms. to be published shortly.

7 Furtado, Mendonça to court, May 21, 1757, Anais da Biblioteca e Arquivo Publico do Pará (Hereafter cited as AAP), 4, 184.Google Scholar

8 Diretório, art. 3.

9 Ibid., art. 6.

10 Ibid., art. 8.

11 Ibid., art. 12.

12 Ibid., art. 74.

13 Mendonça Furtado to Diogo de Mendonça Corte Real, Jan. 18, 1754, Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro (hereafter cited as BNRJ) 11, 2, 43 (Pará).

14 Diretório, art. 85.

15 Ibid., arts. 80-2, and 85.

16 Ibid., art. 91. Intermarriage was officially encouraged before the publication of the directorate. See the Alvará of April 4, 1755, Colleção da legislação …, I, 367.

17 Ibid., art. 90.

18 Ibid., arts. 41–2.

19 Ibid., art. 9.

20 Ibid., art. 78.

21 Ibid., art. 20.

22 Ibid., arts. 21–2.

23 Ibid., art. 37.

24 Ibid., arts. 40, 45.

25 Ibid., art. 46.

26 Ibid., art. 47.

27 Ibid., art. 49.

28 Ibid., art. 34.

29 The directorate did not specify the exact percentage payable to the cabo, merely indicating that he was to share a portion of the profits in return for his administrative duties (art. 56). However, this was subsequently fixed at 20%. Informe, Intendente Geral do Commercio (Nov. 27, 1783) Arquivo Historico Ultramarino (hereafter cited as AHU) caixa 42 (Pará).

30 Diretório, art. 50.

31 The reluctance of the Jesuits to pay the tithe was only one of a number of economic factors that complicated the Order’s relationship with the crown. See Alden, Dauril, “Economic Aspects of the Expulsion of the Jesuits From Brazil: A Preliminary Report.” (Conflict and Continuity in Brazilian Society, eds., Keith, Henry H. and Edwards, S. F. (Columbia, S.C., 1969), 25–71.Google Scholar

32 Diretório, art. 27.

33 Ibid., art. 33.

34 Ibid., arts. 56–7.

35 Ibid., art. 43.

36 Ibid., arts. 36, 58.

37 Ibid., arts. 63, 70.

38 Mendonça Furtado to court, Dec. 22, 1751, C/FXMF, I, 131.

39 Diretório, art. 68.

40 Governor Mendonça Furtado outlined the general benefits as, “the spreading of the faith, elimination of barbarism, propagation of the gospel, the civilizing of the Indians for the common good of the king’s vassals, the growth of agriculture and the introduction of commerce and finally the establishment, opulence and complete happiness of the state.” Ibid., art. 95.

41 “Plano Para civilização dos Indios na Capitania do Pará” (Aug. 2, 1797), par. 3. Arquivo Nacional, Rio de Janeiro (hereafter cite as ANRJ), cod. 101, II, 54.

42 Ibid.

43 Fernando da Costa Ataide Teive to governor of Rio Negro, Oct. 24, 1766, Biblioteca e Arquivo Público do Pará (hereafter cited as BAP), cod. 590, doc. 100.

44 Law and order in the hands of the director could be exceedingly harsh. Sousa Coutinho claimed that some directors imposed such cruel punishments as binding an offender over a mound of fire ants. Plano Para civilização … . , par. 12.

45 Jose Queiróz, João de São, Visitas Pastorals: Memórias (1761 e 1762-1763) (Rio de Janeiro, 1961), 359.Google Scholar

46 Ibid., 338.

47 The ritual use of alcohol implies a degree of cultural restraint. Such control was not necessary under the Portuguese who attached no ritual to the consumption of aguárdente.

48 Queiróz, 214.

49 Plano Para civilização … . , par. 12.

50 Informe, Intendente Geral do Commercio, previously cited.

51 “Formalidade q’se costuma observar … pelos cabos das canoas … .” (Nov. 27, 1783) AHU, caixa 42 (Pará).

52 Ibid.

53 Ibid.

54 Ibid.

55 Ibid.

56 de Brito Ingles, José, “A Capitania do Pará” (1819) Revista de Instituto Histórico e Geografico Brasileiro, CCIII, 143.Google Scholar

57 Sousa Coutinho observed that an Indian was better off working for the government at the official salary rate than participating in a collecting expedition. Plano Para civilização … . , par. 7.

58 Informe, Intendent Geral do Commercio, previously cited. Alcobaça was established to prevent the escape of African slaves from Cameta as well as to prevent gold smuggling and the incursions of hostile Indians. Monteiro Baena, Antônio Ladislau, Compêndio das Eras da Provincia do Pará (Belém, 1838), 306.Google Scholar

59 Circular to the directors in Rio Negro, Aug. 25, 1790, ANRJ, cod. 99, XIX, 214.

60 Plano Para civilização … . , par. 7.

61 Carta régia, Dec. 23, 1762, ANRJ, caixa 715.

62 “Carta circular aos Diretores das povoacoens que mandao canoas a extracção das drogas do sertão” (177?) BAP, cod. 1024, doc. 197.

63 Sousa Coutinho to court, July 31, 1790, ANRJ, cod. 99, II, 174.

64 Martinho de Sousa Albuquerque to court, Dec. 7, 1784, ANRJ, cod. 99, V, 368.

65 Principal and Sargento-Mor of Portel to governor 177?, ANRJ, cod. 99, II.

66 Sousa Coutinho to court, Sept. 25, 1790, ANRJ, cod. 99, II, 202.

67 Parecer of José de Napolas Tello de Menezes, Sept. 19, 1782. AHU, caixa 42 (Pará). The Juez de Fora also had suggested the office be sold, however, the governor noted that such a practice would lead to further abuses.

68 A subsequent Alvará of Aug. 1, 1758 clarified the prohibition as it applied in Pará. BAP, cod. 889, doc. 52.

69 Carta régia, Aug. 26, 1761, BAP, cod. 892, doe. 100.

70 Bando, Dec. 23, 1788, BAP, cod. 988, doc. 24.

71 For a more extensive treatment of Indian labor during the entire eighteenth century, including the directorate period, see Colin M. MacLachlan, “The Indian Labor Structure in the Portuguese Amazon, 1700–1800,” Ms. to be published shortly.

72 A major project was the construction of the fortress of São José de Macapá, a project began in 1764 and completed eighteen years later. Ibid., 23.

73 “Condicoens con que são concedidas aos particulares os Indios silvestres dos novos descimentos” (178?), ANRJ, cod. 99, V, 282.

74 Monteiro Baena, António Ladislau, Ensato corográfico sôbre a provincia do Pará (Belém, 1839), p. 4.Google Scholar When Governor Mendonça Furtado noted food shortages in 1754-5 he meant mainly farinha. Diretório, art. 21. A severe shortage of farinha in 1773 prompted Governor João Pereira Caldas to send urgent requests for supplies to the neighboring villages promising prompt payment. Circular, Dec. 4, 1773, BAP, cod. 596, doc. 6.

75 The price in 1787 was ten reis a pound, a level that guaranteed “satisfaction to all.” Martinho de Sousa Albuquerque to court, Dec. 24, 1787, ANRJ, cod. 99, VIII, 215, 223, and 226.

76 In 1797 the shortage of fishermen prompted the government to order the release of all blacks, mestizos, and Indians from the corps of light infantry who agreed to take up that occupation. Edital, March 24, 1797, BAP, cod. 988, 52.

77 “Instrucçoens que regulão o methods porque os Diretores das provacoens de Indios das Capitanias do Grão Pará de deven conduzir no modo de frazer Sementeiros e Plantacoens. …” (June 28, 1776) Instituto Historico e Geografico Brasileiro (Hereafter cited as IHGB), lata, 107, doc. 12.

78 Ferreira, Alexandre Rodrigues, Estado Presente da Agricultura do Pará (1784), BNRJ, 1–21, 1, 16.Google Scholar

79 Threats, including three months at hard labor, had little effect, Bando, May 23, 1773, BNRJ, 11, 2, 43, doc. 182 (Pará).

80 Wagley, Charles, An Introduction to Brazil (New York, 1965), 16.Google Scholar

81 Wagley, Charles, “The Indian Heritage of Brazil,” Brazil: Portrait of Half a Continent eds., Marchant, Alexander and Smith, T. Lynn (New York, 1951), 110.Google Scholar

82 Ibid.

83 Ibid.

84 Spanish colonial officials apparently had similar problems with the forest Indians of Venezuela. Anthropologist Anthony Leeds notes that among the Yaruro Indians the chief, called the capitán in Spanish and the O’ te ta’ ra (elder head) in the native tongue, serves as an intermediary between the tribe and outsiders while in strictly tribal matters he functions as merely a village elder. Significantly when the capitán commands or admonishes he uses Spanish, never the Indian tongue. Professor Leeds suggests that the title and function resemble an office that existed in medieval Spain and imposed on the Yaruro 250-300 years ago. Leeds, Anthony, “Ecological Determinants of Chieftainship Among the Yaruro Indian of Venezuela,” Environment and Cultural Behavior, ed., Vayda, Andrew P. (Garden City, New York, 1969), 379.Google Scholar

85 Diretório, art. 77.

86 The village of Portel had a population drawn from approximately thirteen different “nations.” Queiróz, 382.

87 The rootless nature of many assimilated Indians is still a feature of present day acculturation in which cultural destruction outweighs cultural substitution. See de Las-Casas, Roberto Décio, “Indios e Brasileiros no vale do Rio Tapajos,” Boletim Do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi, Number 23, Oct. 8, 1964.Google Scholar

88 Fernando da Costa Ataide Tive to governor of Rio Negro, May 14, 1766, BAP, cod. 590, doc. 64.

89 Bando, May 23, 1773, BNRJ, 11, 2, 42, doc. 182 (Pará) and Bando, Jan. 20, 1785, BAP, cod. 988, doc. 21; Bando, Aug. 25, 1790 which also refers to early Bandos of Feb. 12, 1754 and May 3, 1764, BAP, cod. 988, doc. 26.

90 In one case almost 200 Indians from Rio Negro were resettled on the lower Amazon with disasterous results. The governor speculated whether the heavy mortality had been caused by the physical change or the climate. Manuel Bernardo de Melo e Castro to Mendonça Furtado, Aug. 13, 1759, BNRJ, 11, 2, 43, doc. 103 (Pará). Forty years later based on experience, Sousa Coutinho unequivocally stated that forced resettlement caused heavy mortality amongst the Indians. Plano Para civilizição … . , Pará. 36.

91 For a list of villages elevated to the municipal heights see Dias, Manuel Nunes, “Fomento ultramarino e mercantilismo: A Companhia do Grão Pará e Maranháo (1755–1778) Revista de Historia, Vol. 39 (Oct.-Dec. 1969), 331.Google Scholar

92 Diretório, art. 79.

93 Queiróz, 319.

94 Such a condition avoided exploitation by individual settlers but unfortunately, the constant labor demands of the government were often just as disagreeable. See “The Indian Labor Structure … .”, pp. 22–8.

95 Fernando da Costa Ataide Teive to provedor da Fazenda, Oct. 17, 1772, BAP, cod. 592, doc. 1006.

96 Idem to Idem, Nov. 4, 1772, BAP, cod. 592, doc. 1008.

97 João Pereira Caldas to intendente dos Armazenes, Feb. 13, 1773, BAP, cod. 594, doc. 56, 57, and 58.

98 Telo de Menezes to Martinho de Mello e Castro, Oct. 25. 1783, ANRJ, cod. 99, IV, 210. The total number of Indians resettled in 1781 was 706, whether or not this was a representative year is the question but significantly, the largest group resettled during that year numbered 39. BNRJ, 4, 3, 13 (Pará).

99 d’ Azevedo, João Lucio, Os Jesuítas no Grão Pará, (2nd ed. rev.; Coimbra, 1930), p. 229.Google Scholar

100 Vianna, Arthur, As Epidemias no Pará, (Belém, 1906), p. 11.Google Scholar An interesting theory explaining the susceptability of the Indians to smallpox was recorded by a crown official in Rio Negro. Observing the bathing habits of the aborigines, who virtually lived in the water, the official theorized that their pores were necessarily smaller than those of a European and consequently, the smallpox pustules had a much more difficult time breaking through the skin. The struggle to erupt thus abnormally weakened the Indians resulting in a high mortality rate. de Sampaio, Francisco Xavier Ribeiro Diario da viagem que em vista, e correição das povoações da capitania de S. José do Rio Negro, que jez o ouvidor, e intendenté geral da mesma … no anno de 1774 e 1775 (Lisbon, 1825), p. 24.Google Scholar

101 Bando of May 30, 1773, BNRJ, 11, 2, 43, doc. 180 (Pará).

102 Plano Para civilização … . , par. 21.

103 Ibid., par. 21.

104 Ibid., par 14.

105 Edital, Jan. 20, 1799, BAP, cod. 988, 63.

106 Azevedo, p. 229; Sousa Coutinho to Luís Pinto de Sousa, Aug. 1, 1796, BNRJ, 1–17, 12, 2, doc. 1 (Pará).

107 Azevedo, p. 229.

108 More advanced Indians apparently survived economic exploitation if a major part of their cultural values remained intact. An example is provided by the reaction of the Indians of New Spain to the corregidores, officials similar to the directors appointed to administer Indian villages who also used their office to abuse and exploit their charges. However, the established structure of Indian society in New Spain did not collapse, continuing to function with minimal attention from the corregidor who was satisfied provided his illegal extortions were unopposed. Drastic resettlement coupled with an entirely new life style was not widely imposed on the Mexican Indian. Acculturation, while difficult, proceeded at a psychologically manageable rate consequently, epidemic disease rather than economic exploitation or cultural disintegration was the major factor in the decline of the Indian population of New Spain. See Gibson, Charles, The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule (Stanford, 1964), pp. 81–97.CrossRefGoogle Scholar