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Christmas in the Missions of Northern New Spain

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2015

Kristin Dutcher Mann*
Affiliation:
University of Arkansas, Little Rock, Little Rock, Arkansas
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In 1982, native historian Joe Sando vividly described the Christmas season at Jémez Pueblo in northern New Mexico. Throughout the pueblo, figures of the Christ Child lay on display in homes in prominent, specially-decorated areas representing the stable in Bethlehem. During his childhood, Sando remembered that Hemish families roasted corn in their fireplaces, while elders drew pictures of wild game animals and birds, as well as important crops, on the wall next to the fireplace, in hopes that the birth of Christ would also result in the birth of the animals and plants drawn on the wall. In Jémez today, although the roasting of corn and drawings on the fireplace walls have been replaced by the exchange of gifts and watching television, some seasonal customs continue. Pine logs for communal bonfires rest neatly in square piles in front of each home. Christmas Eve bonfires attract the newborn Infant Jesus, and children gleefully play and dance around them. When the fires die out, the Hemish return to their homes to await midnight mass. After mass at the church, worshipers follow the newborn Infant in procession through the community. The next morning, as the first rays of daylight become visible in the east, animal dancers appear on the hilly skyline to the east and southwest. By the time the sun leaves the eastern horizon, the animals have arrived in the village, gathering in front of the drummers, who sing welcoming songs. The people arrive to welcome the animals, who process to the plaza, where they dance all day.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2010

References

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42. For example, Ortiz Zapata’s report from 1678 lists instruments such as clarins, chirimías, bajones, harps, and guitars at Santa Cruz de Topia, San Lorenzo de Guepaca, San Francisco Xavier Arevechİ, Nuestra Señora de la Concepción Movas, San José de Mátape, San Miguel de Oposura, Bavispe, Asunción Arispe, Nuestra Señora de los Angeles de Sahuaripa, San Andrés Conicari, San Francisco Xavier Batuco, and groups of singers at several of these missions. See AGN Misiones, leg. 26, transcribed in Documentos para la historia de mexico, serie 4, vol III.

43. Carta anua de 1611, in González R., ibid., pp. 165–166.

44. José Pascual to Padre Provincial, 1651. AGN Historia vol. 19, fol. 203v–204v.

45. Cartas anuas de 1608, 1611 and 1613, in Luis, Gonzalez Rodríguez, ed. Crónicas de la Sierra Tarahumara (México: Secretaria de Educación Pública, 1987), pp. 148, 160–165, 174–175.Google Scholar

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59. Cayward identified four pastorela scripts which seem to come from a common source: two from the De la Guerra Collection at the Santa Barbara Mission Archive Library, Qttaderno de Lizardo, BANC MSS 68/115c, in the Pio Pico papers at the Bancroft Library, and fragments of a script in the Domingo Carillo papers, BANC MSS C–B 72. A pastorela song from the Santa Barbara Mission Archive Library, identified by Cayward, concludes, “Let’s go, brother shepherds, to worship the redeemer.”

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64. Howard, Benoist and Flores, Eva Maria, eds. Documents Relating To The Old Spanish Missions Of Texas: Volume I: Guidelines For A Texas Mission: Instructions For The Missionary Of Mission Concepción In San Antonio (San Antonio: Old Spanish Missions Historical Research Center), p. 7.Google Scholar

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67. 1772 inventory, Mission San Juan Capistrano, San Antonio, OSMHRC Archivo del Colegio de Querétaro reel 10, fr. 4271–4294.

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70. Fray Isidro Felix, de Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios de Propaganda Fide de la Nueva España, Cañedo, Lino Gomez, ed. (Washington, D.C.: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1964), p. 755.Google Scholar

71. Benoist, and Flores, , eds., Instructions for the Missionary, pp. 17, 35.Google Scholar Elsewhere in this document, the missionary warns that Indian women will try to leave the mission to gather nuts, berries, and fruits of cactus, along with camotes (43). He also advises that they will continually ask for sweets from the missionary (17). By controlling the time at which these items were distributed or available to the wider community, Franciscans could ensure broad participation in celebrations for feast days, and quickly encourage Indians to adopt the Christian calendar.

72. For a similar response among Tarahumara in the eighteenth century, see William, Merrill, “Conversion and Colonialism in Northern Mexico: The Tarahumara Response to the Jesuit Mission Program, 1601–1767,” in Conversion to Christianity: Historical and Anthropological Perspectives on a Great Transformation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), p. 151.Google Scholar

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74. There are numerous references to dances as part of Christmas in northern missions throughout the colonial period. For Nueva Vizcaya, see Diccionario Bio-Bibliqgráfica vol. 6, pp. 148–149 (1598); for Baja California, see Fray Manuel, de la Vega, Relacion de la descubrimiento y conquista de las Californias, Biblitoeca Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Fondo Franciscano (BNAH/FF) vol. 68, f. 24v (1699)Google Scholar and Constantin, Bayle, Misión de la Baja California, p. 101.Google Scholar For the Pimería Alta (1704), Herbert, Eugene Bolton, Kino’s Diary of the Anza Expedition, pp. 110111.Google Scholar For New Mexico, (1694) Espinosa, Cronica Apostolica y seraphica de todos los colegios de propaganda fide de esta nueva españa, Mexico, Lino Gómiz Cañedo, ed, pp. 123–124. For Texas (1767) Gaspar José Soli’s diary, OSMHRC Archivo del Colegio de Querétaro reel 10, fr. 4271–4294.

75. On these characteristics in European Renaissance dance, see Jennifer, Nevile, “;Dance and the Garden: Music and Static Choreography in Renaissance Europe,” Renaissance Quarterly 52:3 (Autumn 1999), p. 806.Google Scholar

76. Stanely L. Robe aruged this about the Los Pastores folk dramas in nineteenth and early twentieth century New Mexico in “The Relationship of‘Los Pastores’ to Other Spanish-American Folk-Drama,” Western Folklore 16:4 (October 1957), p. 285.

77. Fray Manuel de la Vega, Relación de la descubrimiento y conquista de las Californias , Biblioteca Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Fondo Franciscano (BNAH/FF) vol. 68, f. 12r. (1698); f. 23v (1699).

78. Barbastro, “Plática del Nacimiento de Jesuchristo, Año de 1792,” in Cynthia, Radding, “Crosses, Caves, and Matachinis: Divergent Appropriations of Catholic Discourse in Northwestern New Spain,” The Americas 55:2 (October 1998), pp. 188189.Google Scholar

79. Mary, MacGregor-Villarreal, “Celebrating Las Posadas in Los Angeles,” Western Folklore, 39:2 (April 1980), 71105,Google Scholar and Stanley, Brandes, “The Posadas in Tzintzuntzan: Structure and Sentiment in a Mexican Christmas Festival,” The Journal of American Folklore 96:381 (Jul.-Sept. 1983), pp. 259280.Google Scholar