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A CATHOLIC ALTERNATIVE TO REVOLUTION: The Survival of Social Catholicism in Postrevolutionary Mexico

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2015

Stephen J.C. Andes
Stephen J.C. Andes*
Affiliation:
University of Texas of the Permian Basin, Odessa, Texas
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Extract

Alfredo Méndez Medina, writing from Belgium in January 1911, was possessed by the idea that Mexico's social and economic organization required radical change. Méndez Medina, a Mexican Jesuit priest and developing labor activist, had spent just a few years in Europe, sent by his superiors to learn the techniques, strategies, and ideology of Catholic social action. What he saw and experienced there helped shape his vision for Mexico and guided his work upon his return in late 1912. In Europe, the young Méndez Medina observed firsthand the Catholic unions, ministries, and propagandists of L'Action Populaire, an influential French social Catholic institution founded by Gustave Desbuquois, S.J. (1869-1959) in Reims. In a few brief notes, Méndez Medina wrote that Desbuquois's earthy, no-nonsense way of speaking to ordinary workers, and his profound spirituality, had impressed him deeply. To Méndez Medina, Desbuquois appeared to link seamlessly his religious faith, his social commitments, his sense of duty, and his politics.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Americas , Volume 68 , Issue 4 , April 2012 , pp. 529 - 562
Copyright
Academy of American Franciscan History 2012

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References

An earlier version of this article benefited from the many helpful suggestions proferred at the Jesuit workshop organized by J. Michelle Molina, Department of Religion, Northwestern University (May 5–6, 2011 ). A note of gratitude is due Robert E. Curley and the other anonymous reviewer at The Americas for their constructive insights into this essay. Chris Piuma (Centre for Medieval Studies, University of Toronto) provided Latin translations and Jonathan Jucker generously copyedited the manuscript. And my thanks also goes to Sarilyn Andes, who supported my proposition that a return to the archives was, in fact, necessary to complete the present work.

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8. Two doctoral dissertations briefly discuss this point; see Hanson, “Day of Ideals,” and Hanratty, “Change and Conflict.”

9. Meyer, Jean, “El catolicismo social en Mexico hasta 1913” (Mexico: IMDOSOC, 1992), p. 11.Google Scholar

10. The phrase comes from Pius X’s 1903 encyclical E supremi.

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12. Literally “beyond the mountains,” ultramontanism historically referred to the Holy See’s power outside Italy, but it came to signify the centralized and heavily structured nineteenth- and twentieth-century papacy.

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15. Blancarte, Historia, p. 24

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17. For this classic perspective, see for example Tannenbaum, Frank, Peace by Revolution: An Interpre¬tation of Mexico (New York: Columbia University Press, 1933),Google Scholar esp. chapt. 6, “The Defeat of the Church;” Gruening, Ernest, Mexico and Its Heritage (New York: D. Appleton-Century Company, 1942), pp. 273–286.Google Scholar

18. For a well-researched example, see Aguirre Cristiani, Una historia.

19. Hanson, “Day of Ideals,” p. 119.

20. Mabry, Donald J. orginally coined the phrase in his book Mexico’s Acción Nacional: A Catholic Alternative to Revolution (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1973).Google Scholar

21. Robert Curley argues that 1910 can be seen as an important date for the consolidation of social Catholicism in Mexico; “Slouching,” pp. 11–12. An important pre-history has been traced to this political mobilization as well: see Ramírez, Ceballos, El catolicismo social, un tenero en discordia, Rerum novarum, la cuestión socialy la movilización de los católicos mexicanos (1891–1911) (Mexico: El Colegio de México, 1991);Google Scholar Meyer, “El catolicismo social en México,” pp. 8–22; and Hanson, Randall S., “The Day of Ideals: Catholic Social Action in the Age of the Mexican Revolution, 1867–1929” (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University-Bloom-ington, 1994).Google Scholar

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23. Ibid., p. 195.

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27. Aguirre Cristiani, Una historia, p. 120.

28. Ibid., p. 123.

29. Valverde Téllez, Bio-bibliografìa, p. 280.

30. Méndez Medina to Ipiña, January 7, 1911, in AHPMCJ, VI, Vida Jesuítas de la Provincia, Personas, Documentos Personales, Alfredo Méndez Medina, D-757.

31. Marie Edwards, Lisa, “Latin American Seminary Reform: Modernization and the Preservation of the Catholic Church,” The Catholic Historical Review 95:2 (April 2009), pp. 261–282.Google Scholar

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33. Hanson, “Day of Ideals,” p. 132.

34. Méndez Medina, Alfredo, La cuestión social en inéxico: orientaciones (Mexico: El Cruzado, 1913), pp. 30–33;Google Scholar Hanson, “Day of Ideals,” pp. 132–133.

35. O’Dogherty Madrazo, De urnas, pp. 77–114.

36. Méndez Medina to Jesuit Provincial Marcelo Renaud, December 12, 1913, in AHPMCJ, VI, Vida Jesuítas de la Provincia, Personas, Documentos Personales, Alfredo Méndez Medina, D-757.

37. The Jesuits figured prominently in nineteenth- and twentieth-century conflict between Church and state in El Salvador. Liberal-conservative power squabbles and a treaty with Guatemala led to the order’s expulsion in 1872. Thus, the arrival of Méndez Medina and his five fellow Jesuits in August 1914 signified the restoration of the Society of Jesus in El Salvador. In 1915, President Carlos Meléndez sought to expel the Jesuits once again, but did not follow through on his threats. An interesting letter from a Salvadoran woman to Méndez Medina, dated November 22, 1916, thanks the Jesuit for his participation in a recent conference on social action held at the cathedral in San Salvador, where President Meléndez had been in attendance. According to the source, Méndez Medina’s measured participation in the event gratified the president and apparently helped to temper his views about the Jesuits in his country; see AHPMCJ, VI, Vida Jesuítas de la Provincia, Personas, Documentos Personales, Correspondencia del P. Alfredo Méndez Medina, D-786; Gutiérrez, José,Casillas, S.J., Jesuítas en México durante el siglo XX (Mexico: Editorial Porrúa S.A., 1981 ), pp. 100–101.Google Scholar For background on the complex interplay of Church-state conflict and popular rebellion in El Salvador, see Lauria-Santiago, Aldo A., “Holding the City Hostage: Popular Sectors and Elites in San Miguel, El Sal¬vador, 1875,” The Americas 68:1 (July 2011), pp. 82–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

38. Hanson, “Day of Ideals,” pp. 140–141.

39. “Estatutos Generales de la Confederación de Asociaciones Católicas de México,” in Archivo del Sec¬retariado Social Mexicano (hereafter ASSM), Antecedentes, Correspondencia I, 1902–1919.

40. Aguirre Cristiani, Una historia, pp. 118, 124 η. 14.

41. Velázquez, El Secretariado, pp. 7–8.

42. Méndez Medina to R.P. General Wlodimiro Ledóchowsky, S.J., August 26, 1921, in Archivum Ronianum Societatis lesu (hereafter ARSI), Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1920-1921, 1005-IX, 6, ann. I.

43. Othón Núñez’s statement refers to the fact that in 1913 Church and state efforts at unionization were both relatively underdeveloped. By 1920 the situation had changed, especially with the establishment of state-led labor organizations like the Regional Confederation of Mexican Workers, founded in 1918.

44. This anecdote and the dialogue here reproduced are found in an untided document written by Méndez Medina in AHPMCJ, VI, Vida Jesuítas de la Provincia, Personas, Documentos Personales, Alfredo Méndez Medina, D-757.

45. Sevilla, Joel, “;Qué es el Secretariado Social Mexicano?” La Paz Social, Tomo, I, March 1923, pp. 7–14;Google Scholar ASSM, Episcopado I (November 1919-December 1924), Mora y del Rio to Mexican Episcopate, December 1922, in ASSM, Episcopado I (November 1919-December 1924).

46. Curso Social Agrícola Zapopano: desarrollado en Guadalajara, con ocasión de la pontifìcia coronación de la imagen de Nstra. Sra. de Zapopan, en enero de 1921 (Mexico: Renacimiento, 1921), pp. 17–20 (special thanks to Robert Curley for providing a digital version of Méndez Medina's presentation at this event).

47. “Catholic syndicalism” was a term often used by activists to refer to the organization of professional trade unions with a confessional identity.

48. El Universal, December 14, 1922; clipping included in AHPMCJ, VIII, Escritos de SJs de la P.M., Alfredo Méndez Medina; Hanson, “Day of Ideals,” p. 338.

49. Hanson, , “Day of Ideals,” p. 356.Google Scholar

50. Ibid, p. 358.

51. Méndez Medina to Miguel Miranda, September 25, 1925, in ASSM, Correspondencia III, 1925.

52. Hanson, , “Day of Ideals,” pp. 345–346.Google Scholar

53. ASSM, Cuentas, 1923.

54. J. Trinidad Martínez to Méndez Medina, July 14, 1923, in ASSM, Correspondencia II, 1922–1924; Hanson, “Day of Ideals,” p. 338.

55. The phrase is taken from Curley, Robert E., “Work and Religion in Post-Revolutionary Mexico,” to be included in A Plebiscite of Martyrs: Political Catholicism in Revolutionary Mexico, 1900–1926 (Albu¬querque: The University of New Mexico Press, forthcoming), chapt. 6.Google Scholar

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57. Curley, “Work,” chapt. 6.

58. Aguirre Cristiani, p. 217.

59. Curley, “Work,” p. 7.

60. Aguirre Cristiani, pp. 201–205.

61. Ramírez, Ceballos, “El sindicalismo católico,” p. 664 n.102.Google Scholar In addition to Ceballos Ramirez, sev¬eral historians have speculated as to the motivations behind his reassignment. Randall Hanson contends that, although the decision came from within the Jesuit order, it was President Obregón’s pressure on the Mexican Provincial, Camilo Crivelli, that led to Méndez Medina’s removal. As he has it, Crivelli “sacrificed” Méndez Medina for the safety of the Jesuits in Mexico (Hanson, “Day of Ideals,” pp. 416-421). María Gabriela Aguirre Cristiani points out that Méndez Medina’s conflicts with his Mexican Jesuit superiors, as well as with the archbishop of Guadalajara, Francisco Orozco y Jiménez, presented more immediate reasons for his reas¬signment (Aguirre Cristiani, Una historia, pp. 170–172, 172 n. 79). Documents from the Jesuit Archive in Rome tend to confirm Ceballos Ramirez’s general theory that the impetus for Méndez Medina’s removal ini¬tially came from within the Jesuit order, rather than from the Mexican hierarchy. To be sure, however, Aguirre Cristiani’s argument regarding conflicts of authority provides contributing factors in the dismissal. Little evi¬dence supports Hanson’s contention that Obregón pressured Crivelli into removing Méndez Medina.

62. Ledóchowsky to Méndez Medina, October 14,1921, and Ledóchowsky to Méndez Medina, March 13, 1923, in AHPMCJ, VI, Vida Jesuítas de la Provincia, Personas, Documentos Personales, Corresponden¬cia del P. Alfredo Méndez Medina, D-786.

63. Camilo Crivelli to Ledóchowsky, May 22, 1924, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007–1, 10.

64. Camilo Crivelli to Ledóchowsky, March 20, 1925, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007-VII, 8.

65. Camilo Crivelli to Ledóchowsky, February 8, 1924, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007-I, 1.

66. Camilo Crivelli to Ledóchowsky, September 14, 1924, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007–1, 20; Camilo Crivelli to Ledóchowsky, February 24, 1925, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007-VII,4.

67. Camilo Crivelli to Ledóchowsky, February 8, 1924, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007-I, 1.

68. Camilo Crivelli to Ledóchowsky, May 1,1925, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007-VII, 12.

69. Camilo Crivelli to Ledóchowsky, February 24, 1925, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007-VII, 4.

70. Ibid.

71. Camilo Crivelli to Ledóchowsky, April 15, 1925, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007-VII, 10.

72. José Mora y del Río to Camilo Crivelli, April 18, 1925, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007-VII, 12, Ann. II.

73. Méndez Medina to Mexican Episcopate, May 8, 1925, in AHPMCJ, VI, Vida Jesuítas de la Provin¬cia, Personas, Documentos Personales, Correspondencia del P. Alfredo Méndez Medina, D-786.

74. Alejandro Villaseñor to Ledóchowsky, January 12, 1925, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1007-X, 21.

75. Ibid.

76. His personal files hold many letters of appreciation; see AHPMCJ, VI, Vida Jesuítas de la Provin¬cia, Personas, Documentos Personales, Alfredo Méndez Medina, D-758.

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87. Pacelli to Ruiz y Flores, January 1, 1932, 1, in Archivo Histórico del Arzobispado de México (here¬after AHAM), Pascual Díaz Barreto, caja 44, exp. 15.

88. Letter from Alfredo Méndez Medina, April 5, 1930, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1010-V, 5.

89. Letter from Alfredo Méndez Medina, June 21, 1930, in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Epistolae, 1010-V, 10; Raymundus Martínez Silva S.J. to Ledóchowski, S.J., January 1931, in ARSI, Provincia Mexi¬cana, Epistolae, 1010-X, 5.

90. González, Francisco María Aguilera, Cardenal Miguel Darío Miranda: el hombre, el cristiano, el obispo (Mexico: IMDOSOC, 2005), p. 146.Google Scholar

91. Ibid., p. 167.

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94. Ibid.

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96. Ibid., p. 211.

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102. Ibid, pp. 59, 61-74; ASSM, “Informe,” April 1968-January 1969.

103. “Algunos datos sobre la muerte del P. Miguel Agustín Pro, S.J.,” in ARSI, Provincia Mexicana, Negotia Specialia, 1408.

104. Xavier Scheifler, S.]., to Méndez Medina, January 22, 1957, in AHPMCJ, VI, Vida Jesuítas de la Provincia, Personas, Documentos Personales, Correspondencia del P. Alfredo Méndez Medina, D-786.

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106. Hanson, “Day of Ideals.”

107. Fazio, , Algunos aportes, pp. 37-38.Google Scholar

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112. On this type of internal Church secularization in Europe, see Kalyvas, Stathis N., The Rise of Chris¬tian Democracy in Europe (Ithaca. NT., and London: Cornell University Press, 1996), p. 25.Google Scholar

113. Author interview with Father Manuel Velázquez Hernández, director of the Secretariado Social Mexicano (SSM), Mexico, July 9, 2008; e-mail correspondence, Manuel Velázquez Hernández to author, November 12, 2010.

114. An attempt has been made from a sociological perspective; see Robert Sean Mackin, “The Move¬ment that Fell from the Sky? Secularization and the Structuring of Progressive Catholicism in Latin America” (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2005).

115. Hawkins, Kirk A., “Sowing Ideas: Explaining the Origins of Christian Democracy in Latin Amer¬ica,” in Christian Democracy in Latin America: Electoral Competition and Regime Conflicts, eds. Main-waring, Scott and Scully, Timothy R. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003), p. 79.Google Scholar

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117. Ibid.