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Brazilian Foreign Policy and the Dominican Crisis: The Impact of History and Events*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Ralph G. Santos*
Affiliation:
Vanderbilt University

Extract

On May 24, 1965, nearly a month after the first U. S. Marines landed in Santo Domingo, an inter-American military force under the command of a Brazilian general took over peacekeeping activities in the Dominican Republic. Although the first Brazilian contingent to arrive comprised only 300 troops, it later reached a total of 1,250, the largest contribution by a single Latin American nation. While Brazil's participation in the Dominican crisis was a clear indication that the independent foreign policy of Quadros and Goulart had been discarded in favor of a realignment once again with the United States, it also signified an abrupt departure from one of the basic tenets of Brazilian foreign policy—nonintervention. The case study of Brazil's role in the Dominican Republic in 1965 which follows provides a unique opportunity to examine the impact of traditional forces and contemporary events on Brazilian foreign policy at a critical juncture in that nation's history.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 1972

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Footnotes

*

I would like to express my appreciation to Dr. Alexander Marchant and Dr. Riordan Roett for their helpful comments and criticism on an earlier draft of this paper.

References

1 Mallin, Jay, Caribbean Crisis (New York: Doubleday, 1965), p. 98 Google Scholar; Washington Post, May 27, 1965.

2 See Burns, E. Bradford, “Tradition and Variation in Brazilian Foreign Policy,” Journal of Inter-American Studies, 9 (April, 1967).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3 Ibid. For a detailed examination of Rio Branco’s impact see Burns, E. Bradford, The Unwritten Alliance: Rio Branco and Brazilian-American Relations (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968).Google Scholar

4 The development of nationalism in Brazil is traced by Burns, E. Bradford, Nationalism in Brazil (New York: Praeger, 1968).Google Scholar See in Chapter 5, for Vargas’ role in stimulating nationalism.

5 See for instance the essay by Baer, Werner and Simonsen, Mario Henrique, “American Capital and Brazilian Nationalism,” in Foreign Investment in Latin America, edited by Bernstein, Marvin D. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966).Google Scholar

6 Rosenbaum, H. Jon, “Brazil Among Nations,” International Journal 24 (Summer, 1969), pp. 531–2.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7 Quadros, Jânio, “Brazil’s New Foreign Policy,” Foreign Affairs, 40 (October, 1961).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8 Ibid., p. 21.

9 Ibid., p. 106.

10 Ibid., p. 107.

11 For a recent analysis of Brazil’s relations with China up to the 1964 coup see Rodriques, José Honorio, “Brazil and China: The Varying Fortunes of Independent Diplomacy,” in Policies Toward China: Views from Six Continents, ed. by Halpern, A. M. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965).Google Scholar

12 Bonilla, Frank, “A National Ideology for Development,” Expectant Peoples: Nationalism and Development, ed. by Silvert, Kalman (New York: Vintage, 1963) p. 253, fn. 38.Google Scholar For an extensive study of Brazil’s relationship with Africa see one of the most articulate spokesmen for a nationalist foreign policy, Rodrigues, José Honorio, Brazil and Africa (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1965)Google Scholar; Freyre, Gilberto elaborates on the point of Brazil’s peculiar absence of racial prejudice and its implications for foreign policy in New World in the Tropics (New York: Vintage, 1959), Chapter VI.Google Scholar

13 For an indication of the broad support for the independent foreign policy see the study conducted by Princeton’s Institute for International Social Research, 1961, Lloyd A. Free, Some International Implications of the Political Psychology of Brazilians.

14 de Dubnic, Vladimir Reisky, “Trends in Brazil’s Foreign Policy,” in New Perspectives of Brazil, ed. by Baklanoff, Eric (Nashville, Tenn.: Vanderbilt Univ. Press, 1966) p. 90.Google Scholar Also see de Mevia Penna, J. O., “Brazilian Relations with Eastern Europe,” Studies on the Soviet Union, 8 (1968).Google Scholar

15 Rosenbaum, , “Brazil Among Nations,” op. cit., p. 537.Google Scholar

16 Riordan Roett, “A Praetorian Army in Politics: The Brazilian Military, 1946 to the Present.” Paper presented at the Meeting of the Southern Political Science Association Meeting, November, 1970. Historical development of the military is traced in Johnson, John J., Military and Society in Latin America (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1964) Part III.Google Scholar

17 The Inaugural Speech of President Humberto Castello Branco,” in A Documentary History of Brazil, ed. by Burns, E. Bradford (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966): pp. 381–2.Google Scholar

18 Skidmore, Thomas, Politics in Brazil 1930–1964 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964), p. 329.Google Scholar

19 See Rodrigues’ account in “Brazil and China,” op. cit., p. 474.

20 Lieuwen, Edwin discusses the effect the Cuban executions had on the military in Latin America in his Generals vs. Presidents: Neomilitarism in Latin America (New York: Praeger, 1964).Google Scholar According to Lieuwen, the armed forces “recall today that Castro started out as a moderate reformer but that he surprised nearly everyone with the violence and extremism that characterized the immediate aftermath of his victory. As a result, the military in Latin America today has come to suspect any popular reform movement as a potential threat to its own life and institutions.” pp. 101–2.Google Scholar

21 Rowe, James, “Revolution as Counterrevolution in Brazil? Part II: From ‘Black Friday’ to the New Reforms,” AUFS Reports, XI (June, 1964), pp. 678–9.Google Scholar

22 Radio broadcast, May 27, 1964.

23 Radio broadcast, October 29, 1965.

24 The ‘national security doctrine’ is discussed by Rowe, James, “Brazil Stops the Clock, Part II: The New Constitution and the New Model,” AUFS Reports, 13 (March, 1967), see especially pp. 69.Google Scholar Also see Graham, Richard, “Brazil’s Dilemma,” Current History, 52 (November, 1967), pp. 293–4.Google Scholar

25 See Rowe, James, “Revolution or Counterrevolution in Brazil? Part I: The Diverse Background,” AUFS Reports 11 (June, 1964), pp. 1415 Google Scholar and Needier, Martin, Political Development in Latin America: Instability, Violence and Evolutionary Change (New York: Random House, 1968), pp. 6970.Google Scholar

26 Gunther, John, Inside South America (New York: Pocket Books, 1967) p. 56.Google Scholar

27 Ibid., p. 71.

28 For an exposition of his views on the relationship of the United States to Latin America see his article Relations between the United States and Latin America” in Latin America: Evolution or Explosion? ed. by Adams, Mildred (New York: Dodd, Mead 1963).Google Scholar

29 Rosenbaum, H. Jon, “Brazil’s Foreign Policy and Cuba,” Inter-American Economic Affairs, 23 (Winter, 1969).Google Scholar

30 John Gunther notes that during the 1966 “elections”: “The sardonic cry was heard on the left, ‘why be a hypocrite?—Lincoln Gordon for President!’ The implication was that Lincoln Gordon ran the country anyway, and so why bother to have an election at all.” Gunther, op. cit., p. 58. fn. 2.

31 Skidmore, op. cit., p. 329. It is interesting to note that these turning points all include successful confrontations with the Communists.

32 Radio broadcast, November 18, 1965.

33 Quoted in Draper, Theodore, The Dominican Revolt: A Case Study in American Policy (New York: Commentary, 1968), p. 71, fn.Google Scholar

34 Quoted in Burns, , Nationalism in Brazil, op. cit., p. 122.Google Scholar

35 Washington Post, May 1, 1965.

36 Ibid.

37 Radio broadcast, May 4, 1965.

38 Slater, Jerome, “The Limits of Legitimation in International Organizations: The Organization of American States and the Dominican Crisis,” International Organiza-tion, 23 (Winter, 1969), p. 58.Google Scholar The Special Committee consisted of a 5-man team from Brazil, Argentina, Colombia, Panama, and Guatemala.

39 It is important to note that Washington initially expected, and worked for during the OAS meetings, an IAPF composed mainly of Argentina, Colombia and Venezuela under the command of a Venezuelan general closely associated with Rómulo Betan-court. Washington evidently felt such a force, made up of primarily soldiers from democratic countries, would be more acceptable to world opinion. However, domestic opposition in those nations precluded their participation and forced the United States to settle for contingents from military or conservative countries. Slater, op. cit., p. 56. Brazil, Honduras, Costa Rica, and Nicaragua contributed forces totaling under 2,000, the great majority of whom were Brazilian.

40 Palmer contributed to these feelings by commenting that if an escalation of the fighting took place on the island he’d take his orders from Washington only.

41 Szulc, Tad, Dominican Diary (New York: Dell Pub. Co., (1965).Google Scholar

42 Draper, , The Dominican Revolt, op. cit., p. 192.Google Scholar

43 Baron, Dona, “The Dominican Republic Crisis of 1965: A Case-Study of the Regional vs. Global Approach to International Peace and Security,” in Columbia Essays in International Affairs, Vol. III; The Dean’s Papers, 1967, ed. by Cordier, Andrew (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), p. 25, Slater, op. cit., p. 64.Google Scholar

44 Slater, op. cit., p. 61.

45 Connell-Smith, Gordon, “The OAS and The Dominican Crisis,” in International Regionalism, ed. by Nye, Joseph (Boston: Little, Brown, 1968).Google Scholar See for instance the account of U. S. efforts to prevent U. N. involvement in the Dominican crisis in Dona Baron “Dominican Republic, 1965,” op. cit.

46 The OAS has to a lesser degree performed this function as well. In reference to the Dominican crisis Slater notes that “other factors such as UN presence and skeptical reporting of major U. S. newspapers undoubtedly also helped modify Washington’s policies. … However, the author’s talks with United States officials have left him with the impression that the involvement of the OAS was probably the most important element over the entire duration of the crisis,” p. 61. fn. 42.

47 Sloan, op. cit., p. 71.