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Succession and Death: Royal Ceremonies in Colonial Puebla*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Frances L. Ramos
Frances L. Ramos*
Affiliation:
University of Texas, Austin, Texas
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Extract

On 6 March 1701, the municipal government of Puebla de los Angeles received a cédula commanding the performance of an oath ceremony, or jura del rey, for the new Bourbon monarch, Philip V. Twelve days later, a second cédula arrived, ordering the celebration of royal funerary honors, or exequias reales, for the last Spanish Habsburg king, Charles II. Puebla's municipal leaders, or regidores, attributed great importance to public ceremony and began planning for the events immediately upon receiving Queen Mariana's instructions. Like the political elites of many early modern cities, Puebla's councilmen consistently dedicated a significant share of the city's resources to mount spectacles to commemorate such events as viceregal entrances, patron saints’ days, royal births and marriages, and Spanish military victories. These occasions provided local leaders with opportunities to instruct the populace in the authority of the king's primary representative, the primacy of the Catholic faith, the power of the city's leaders, the importance of hierarchy in colonial society, and the loyalty due the royal family and the Spanish Empire.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Americas , Volume 60 , Issue 2 , October 2003 , pp. 185 - 215
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2003

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Footnotes

*

I thank the Social Science Research Council International Predissertation Fellowship Program and the Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad Program for the funding that made this article possible. I also thank James Boyden, Susan Deans-Smith, Patricia Díaz Cayeros, Richard Graham, Sandra Lauderdale Graham, and Russell Lohse for their comments and encouragement.

References

1 Queen and governors to Puebla's cabildo, Madrid, 22 November 1700, Archivo Municipal de Puebla (hereafter AMP), Actas de Cabildo (hereafter AC) 34, folio 618r-618v; Queen and governors to Viceroy Joseph de Sarmiento, Madrid, 10 November 1700, AMP, AC 34, folio 619r-619v. On the same day that the Crown ordered the performance of the funerary honors, Queen Mariana and her governing council drafted another cédula which notified Spain's subjects of the king's passing, and included a copy of the clause of Charles II's testament which named Philip V as his successor. See Queen and governors to Puebla's cabildo, Madrid, 10 November 1700, AMP, Reales Cédulas 4, folios 202r-202v, 207r-210v.

2 Public ceremony proved so important that even after the Bourbon monarchy placed ceilings on expenditure, councilmen continued to spend exorbitant amounts on a variety of public rituals. Reinhard Liehr noted that one-third of Puebla's 1777 ordinances related to religious and civic festivities. See Liehr, , Ayuntamiento y oligarquía en Puebla, 1787–1810, vol. 2, trans. Hensche, Olga (Mexico City: SEPSETENTAS, 1976; first published 1971), pp. 76–83.Google Scholar For a comprehensive list of the public ceremonies sponsored by Puebla's cabildo, see Libro que contiene los patronatos de esta muy noble, muy fiel, y leal ciudad de la Puebla de los Angeles, 1769 (hereafter Libro que contiene los patronatos), AMP, Libros Varios 20.

3 Although by no means a comprehensive list, some of the more important works related to Spanish imperial ritual are de la Maza, Francisco, La mitología clásica en el arte colonial de México (Mexico City. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1968);Google Scholar Maravall, José Antonio, Culture of the Baroque: Analysis of a Historical Structure, trans. Cochran, Terry (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986;Google Scholar first published 1975); Correa, Antonio Bonet, “La fiesta barroca como práctica del poder,” in El arte efímero en el mundo hispánico (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1983), pp. 45–78;Google Scholar Sosa, Rafael Ramos, Arte festivo en Lima Virreinal (siglos XV1–XVII) (Seville: Junta de Andalucía, Consejería de Cultura y Medio Ambiente, 1992);Google Scholar Cantos, Ángel López, Juegos, fiestas y diversiones en la América Española (Madrid: Editorial MAPFRE, 1992);Google Scholar Cuadrillero, Jaime, ed., Juegos de ingenio y agudeza: la pintura emblemática de la Nueva España (Mexico City: Museo Nacional de Arte, 1994);Google Scholar Mínguez, Víctor, Los reyes distantes: imágenes del poder en el México virreinal (Castelló de la Plana: Publicacions de la Universitat Jaume I, 1995);Google Scholar Beezley, William H., Martin, Cheryl English and French, William E., eds. Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance: Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico, (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 1994)Google Scholar; articles by Curcio, Linda, Fee, Nancy, Cañeque, Alejandro, and Flinchpaugh, Steven in The Americas 52:3 (January 1996);Google Scholar Dean, Carolyn, Inka Bodies and the Body of Christ: Corpus Christi in Colonial Cuzco (Durham: Duke University Press, 1999).Google Scholar

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8 Duke of Albuquerque to Puebla's cabildo, with a note by Juan Joseph de Veytia y Linaje, Mexico, 28 January 1707, AMP, Reales Cédulas 10, folio 191r-191v.

9 David Kertzer has argued that succession rituals generally seek to assure spectators of continuity in governance. See Ritual, Politics, and Power (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), p. 27.

10 To date, Curcio's, Linda “Saints, Sovereignty and Spectacle in Colonial Mexico” (Ph.D. diss, Tulane University, 1993)Google Scholar provides the most complete and insightful history of Mexico City's sixteenth-, seventeenth-, and eighteenth-century oath ceremonies. Varela's, Javier La muerte del Rey: El ceremonial funerario de la monarquía española (1500–1885) (Madrid: Turner Libros, 1990)Google Scholar provides a critical history of the changes in royal funerary protocol in Spain from the sixteenth through the nineteenth centuries. Also see de la Maza, Francisco, Las piras funerarias en la historia y en el arte de México (Mexico City: Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, 1946).Google Scholar

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14 My approach follows that recommended by Eric Van Young for historians of “culture.” Although Van Young objects to studies that focus exclusively on the political utility (or “function”) of public demonstrations, he also cautions against divorcing “readings” of discrete events from an analysis of the broader context. See Van Young, Eric, “The New Cultural History Comes to Old Mexico.” Hispanic American Historical Review 79: 2 (1999), pp. 211–247.Google Scholar

15 Buc focuses specifically on the study of medieval rituals, but many of his criticisms apply easily to the analysis of early modern rituals. He argues, for example, that because historians can never have first-hand experience of many of the rituals described in the documents, they cannot apply contemporary social scientific models to their analysis. See Buc, Philippe, The Dangers of Ritual: Between Early Medieval Texts and Social Scientific Theory (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001).Google Scholar

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31 Alfaro, , “La lucha por el control,” pp. 142–147.Google Scholar

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33 de Pagès, Ancieto and Hervás, José Pérez, Gran diccionario de la lengua castellano: Autorizado con ejemplos de buenos escritores antiguos y modernos […], vol. 4 (Barcelona: Fomento Comercial del Libro, N.d.), p. 294.Google Scholar

34 Acuerdo sobre la paz, 18 October 1700, AMP, AC 34, folio 558r-558v.

35 Sobre los asientos en las letanías, 3 May 1701, AMP, AC 34, folios 665r-667r.

36 Alfaro, , “La lucha por el control,” p. 156 n. 95.Google Scholar

37 Ibid., pp. 155, 157.

38 Libro que contiene las copias de las escrituras de censos principales que reconoce sobre sus propios y rentas esta Nobilísima Ciudad y las licencias de los Excelentísimos Señores Virreyes, quienes pre-cedieron para poderlos gravar, 1770, AMP, Libros Varios 13, folios 9r-10r, 14r-18r.

39 Alfaro, , “La lucha por el control,” pp. 133–134, 169–175.Google Scholar

40 Ibid., pp. 172–183; Cédula presentada por Juan José de Veytia y Linaje, 7 July 1699, AMP, AC 34, folio 430r-430v.

41 Alfaro, , “La lucha por el control,” pp. 176.Google Scholar

42 Cheryl English Martin noted how councilmen in eighteenth-century Chihuahua tried to mimic the fiestas of Mexico City, Guadalajara and other cities in Spain. Martin, Cheryl English, Governance and Society in Colonial Mexico: Chihuahua in the Eighteenth Century (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), p. 100 Google Scholar. In 1774, the cabildo of San Francisco de Campeche asked the councilmen of Puebla if they incorporated maces into their public functions. The cabildo of San Francisco de Campeche to the cabildo of Puebla, San Francisco de Campeche, 18 August 1774, AMP, Reales Cédulas 10, folio l0r-l0v.

43 Sobre la pira, 22 March 1760, AMP, AC 50, folios 62r-63r.

44 Montoya, Ambrosio y de León, Cárdenas Ponce, Diseño festivo del amor. Obstentiva muestra de la lealtad, acclamacion alegre con que la muy noble, augusta imperial ciudad de la Puebla de los Angeles en el dia diez de Abril del año de 1701 juro por su Rey, y señor natural al lnvinctissimo Señor D. Phe-lipe V[…] (hereafter, Montoya y Cárdenas, Diseño festivo) (Centro de Estudio Históricos de México-CONDUMEX, Mexico City; Puebla: Imprenta de los Herederos del Capitán Juan de Villa Real, 1702),Google Scholar folio 5v. The plaza also served as the “theater” for viceregal entrance ceremonies. See Fee, “La Entrada Angelopolitana,” pp. 287–288.

45 Propuesta del Señor Juan Baptista de Agramont, 2 May 1701, AMP, AC 34, folio 670r-670v; Exequias de Carlos II, 13 March 1701, AMP, Expedientes 205, legajo 2416, folios 179r-181v.

46 López Cantos discusses the characteristics common to all oath ceremonies in Juegos, fiestas y diversiones, pp. 47–76.

47 Libro que contiene los patronatos, AMP, Libros Varios 20, folios 508v-516r.

48 Eire, Carlos M.N., From Madrid to Purgatory: The Art and Craft of Dying in Sixteenth-Century Spain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 228–229.Google Scholar

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50 Curcio, , “Saints, Sovereignty and Spectacle in Colonial Mexico,” pp. 90–107 Google Scholar; Fee, , “La Entrada Angelopolitana,” pp. 300–320.Google Scholar

51 The village of Coatepec, for example, requested an extension on their tribute payments in the description of the funerary honors for Charles II. Maza, Las piras funerarias, pp. 61–65.

52 Muir, , Ritual in Early Modern Europe, 230.Google Scholar

53 Curcio makes a similar assessment. See “Saints, Sovereignty and Spectacle,” pp. 136–141.

54 Auto de cómo se alzaron pendones por el Rey Nuestro Señor D. Felipe V (hereafter Auto de cómo), 10 April 1701, AMP, AC. 34, folios 644r-647r.

55 Ibid., folios 647r-50r; Testimonio de la asistencia a la misa de gracias en la Santa Iglesia Catedral (hereafter Testimonio de la asistencia), 11 April 1701, AMP, AC 34, folio 650v.

56 Razón de la forma con que se celebraron las funerales exequias por el Rey nuestro Señor Don Carlos Segundo (hereafter Razón de la forma), 18 May 1701, AMP, AC 34, folios 672r-683r.

57 Orso, Steven N., Art and Death at the Spanish Habsburg Court: The Royal Exequies for Philip IV (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1989), pp. 85–86.Google Scholar

58 Hace su señoría cargo de la poesía, 27 March 1701, AMP, AC 34, 632r; Montoya y Cárdenas, Diseño festivo, folio 8r.

59 Mínguez, , Los reyes distantes, p. 18.Google Scholar

60 For an idea of the extent of this practice see Maza, La mitología clásica and Checa, Francisco, “Arquitectura efímera e imagen del poder,” in Sor Juana y su mundo, ed. Herrera, Sara Poot (Mexico City: CONACYT, 1995), pp. 253–305.Google Scholar

61 Curcio, , “Saints, Sovereignty, and Spectacle,” pp. 188–198.Google Scholar Also see Mínguez, , Los reyes solares, pp. 211–245.Google Scholar

62 Montoya y Cardenas, Diseño festivo, folio 7r-7v.

63 For the privileges and responsibilities of standard bearers see Liehr, , Ayuntamiento y oligarquía, vol. 1, pp. 146–147 Google Scholar and Bayle, Constantino, Los cabildos seculares en la América Española (Madrid: Sapientia, 1952), pp. 195–205 Google Scholar.

64 El argumento del abogado, del Coronel José Antonio Ortiz de Casquesta, segundo Marqués de Altamira, para comprar el cargo de alférez mayor y regidor de Puebla, 9 March 1715, AMP, AC 38, folio 51r-51v.

65 Montoya y Cardenas, Diseño festivo, folio 23r.

66 A reference to a textile shop that sold lamé appears in an anonymous document criticizing Veytia. Although not dated, it was probably written in the 1710s. See La violencia de un poder ejecutado con tiranía, AGI, México 846.

67 Brown, Jonathan and Elliot, J.H., A Palace for a King: The Buen Retiro and the Court of Philip IV (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980), p. 40.Google Scholar

68 Noticia de la real acclamacion, que debió hater, ê hizo la muy noble, y muy leal Ciudad de los Angeles en la Jura de la cesarea, y catholica magestad del Señor D. Phìlipo V (hereafter Noticia de la real acclamacion) (Centro de Estudios Históricos-CONDUMEX, Mexico City; Puebla: Imprenta de los Herederos del Capitán Juan de Villa Real, 1702), p. B6.

69 Montoya y Cárdenas, Diseño festivo, folio 23r.

70 Noticia de la real acclamacion, p. B5-B6.

71 Ibid., p. A8.

72 Cantos, López, Juegos, fiestas y diversiones, p. 37.Google Scholar

73 The cabildo minutes are filled with examples of councilmen spending public funds on refreshments. For just one example see Fiestas para el alcalde mayor, 24 November 1697, BNAH-AMP, AC 34, folio 247r.

74 López Cantos also believes that people would have credited the monarch for refreshments given during ceremonies. Juegos, fiestas y diversiones, p. 37.

75 Ibid., p. 30

76 Auto de cómo se alzaron pendones por el Rey Nuestro Señor Don Carlos Segundo que Dios Guarde, 30 July 1666, BNAH-AMP, AC 26, folio 274v; Auto de cómo, 18 May 1701, AMP, AC 34, folio 647r.

77 Auto de cómo, 10 April 1701, AMP, AC 34, folio 647r.

78 Ibid., folio 636v.

79 Ibid., folio 645v.

80 Muir, Edward, Ritual in Early Modern Europe, p. 243.Google Scholar

81 Spain, Recopilación de las leyes, Book 3, Title 15, Law 4.

82 Tejada, Cosme Gómez, El filósofo (Madrid: N.p., 1650), p. 140,Google Scholar quoted in Maravall, , Culture of the Baroque, p. 217.Google Scholar

83 Orso, , Art and Death, p. 63.Google Scholar

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85 Varela, , La muerte del Rey, pp. 75–76 Google Scholar. Víctor Mínguez states that this event occurred in 1267. For an analysis of artistic representations of the origin myth, see Mínguez, “La monarquía humillada. Un estu-dio sobre las imágenes del poder y el poder de las imágenes,” Relaciones 77: 20 (1999), pp. 125–148.Google Scholar

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87 Auto de cómo, 10 April 1701, AMP, AC 34, folio 648v.

88 de la Parra, Joseph Gómez, Grano de trigo fecundo de virtudes en la vida, fecundissimo por la succession en la muerte, la catholica magestad del Rey nuestro señor Don Carlos Segundo […] (hereafter Gómez de la Parra, Grano de trigo) (Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla, Biblioteca José María Lafragua, Puebla; Puebla: Herederos del Capitán Juan de Villa-Real, 1701), pp. 11–13.Google Scholar

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90 Montoya y Cárdenas, Diseño festivo, folio 27r.

91 de la Parra, Gómez, Grano de trigo, pp. 13–16, 28.Google Scholar

92 Razón de la forma, 18 May 1701, AMP, AC 34, folio 673v.

93 de la Parra, Gómez, Grano de trigo, p. 20.Google Scholar

94 Ibid., pp. 18–19.

95 In the exequias held in the church of the royal monastery of San Jerónimo, four kings-at-arms cus-tomarily guarded the tomb. Orso, , Art and Death, pp. 22–23,Google Scholar

96 Pragmática sobre guardar luto, 22 March 1693, AGN, Reales cédulas originales 25, Expediente 16, folio 109v.

97 Testimonio de las exequias de Felipe IV, 25 August 1666, BNAH-AMP, AC 26, folio 294r; Varela, , La muerte del Rey, p. 117.Google Scholar

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99 Copia de la carta que se le mandó a su Exelentísima en que se le remitió un tanto de la relación antecedente, 18 May 1701, AMP, AC 34, folios 682v-683r.

100 de la Parra, Gómez, Grano de trigo, p. 5 Google Scholar; cf. John 12:25.

101 Ibid., pp. 34–35; cf. Psalms 2:7, 2:8.

102 Ibid., p. 42.

103 Ibid., p. 31.

104 Ibid., pp. 37–40, 31,

105 Montoya y Cárdenas, Diseño festivo, folio 12r.

106 Propuesto del Señor Alcaide Mayor, 26 November 1699, AMP, AC 34, folios 477v-478r.

107 Alfaro, , “La lucha por el control,” pp. 186–187.Google Scholar

108 de la Parra, Gómez, Grano de trigo, p. 17.Google Scholar In describing Christ weeping for Lazarus, the Gospel of John states “Behold how he loved him!” John 11:36.

109 Alberro, Solange, “Barroquismo y criollismo en los recibimientos hechos a don Diego López Pacheco Cabrera y Bobadilla, virrey de Nueva España, 1640: un estudio preliminar,” Colonial Latin American Historical Review 8:4 (Fall 1999), p. 447.Google Scholar

110 El Señor Inquisidor Fiscal de este Santo Oficio contra Don Juan de Jauregui y Barcena, canónigo doctoral de la Santa Iglesia de la Puebla y provisor … por haber impedido que las cofradías de aquella ciudad asistiesen a la fiesta de San Pedro Mártir, 1699, AGN, Inquisición 711, Expediente 2, folios 108r-225v.

111 The cabildo minutes provide a list of the gentlemen invited to participate in the “election” procession. Memoria del convite de los caballeros, 3 April 1701, AMP, AC 34, folios 640v-642r.

112 Suplícase al Señor General mándase escribir para los pueblos de su jurisdicción, 27 March 1701, AMP, AC 34, folio 663r.

113 Heyden, Doris, Mitología.y simbolismo de la flora en el México prehispánico (Mexico City: Uni-versidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1983), pp. 46–55.Google Scholar

114 Muir, , Ritual in Early Modern Europe, p. 231.Google Scholar

115 Noticia de la real acclamacion, p. C4.

116 Montoya y Cárdenas, Diseño festivo, folio 13r.

117 Noticia de la real acclamacion, pp. A7-A8.

118 Kertzer, , Ritual, Politics, and Power, p. 82.Google Scholar

119 Razón de la forma, 18 May 1701, AMP, AC 34, folio 675v.

120 Ibid., folio 676v.

121 Pragmática sobre guardar luto, 22 March 1693, AGN, Reales cédulas originales 25, Expediente 16, folio 109v.

122 Kertzer, , Ritual, Politics, and Power, pp. 99–100.Google Scholar

123 Razón de la forma, 18 May 1701, AMP, AC 34, folio 676r.

124 de la Parra, Gómez, Grano de trigo, pp. 19–20.Google Scholar

125 Carlos Bermúdez de Castro to Puebla's cabildo, Mexico City, 27 June 1722, AMP, Reales Cédulas 10, folio 10r.

126 Propuesta del Señor Presidente, 16 March 1723, BNAH-AMP, AC 40, folio 45r.

127 Testimonio de la asistencia, 11 April 1701, AMP, AC 34, folio 650v.

128 The archdeacon's gesture can be understood using Victor Turner's theory of “social drama.” According to Turner, rituals can reveal fissures within society. When this happens “redress” and “reintegration” are possible only through other rituals such as judicial proceedings, or stylized public apologies. For a succinct breakdown of the “social drama” theory, see Grimes, Ronald, Ritual Criticism: Case Studies in its Practice, Essays on Its Theory (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1990).Google Scholar

129 Muir, , Ritual in Early Modern Europe, p. 230.Google Scholar

130 Orso, , Art and Death, p. 15.Google Scholar

131 Razón de la forma, 18 May 1701, AMP, AC 34, folio 680r.

132 Razón de la forma, 18 May 1701, folios 680r-681v; Memoria de la cera que le dio al cabildo y demás ministros en las honras que hizo la ciudad para nuestro Rey y Señor Felipe Cuarto el grande, 22 August 1666, AMP, Expedientes 208, legajo 2472, folio 171r.

133 Kertzer, , Ritual, Politics, and Power, 175.Google Scholar