No CrossRef data available.
Article contents
Misery, Pain and Death: Tuberculosis in Nineteenth Century Buenos Aires*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 December 2015
Extract
- Dijo anoche, su canto de muerte
- la Canción de la tos en tu percho
- y, al mojarse en las notas rojizas
- mostró flores de sangre el pañuelo.
Pulmonary tuberculosis substantially influenced societal attitudes and Argentine life style in the nineteenth century. Because tuberculosis was socially defined, how Porteños viewed the tubercular depended on conceptions of the disease, as well as popular and medical views of contagion and cure. Illness did not isolate individuals from society or even from familiar faces and responsibilities. Class, gender, age, attitudes on contagion, and approaches to treatment influenced the choices available to men, women, and children.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2000
Footnotes
*
I would like to thank the following individuals for their comments on various drafts of this article: David Godshalk, Laura Klein, John Offner, Simon Sibelman, Donald Stevens, and Bradley Stiles.
References
1 Vera Blinn Reber translated from the Carriego, Spanish Evaristo, “Bajo la angustia,” Misas herejes (Buenos Aires: Casa de Evaristo Carriego, 1993), pp. 111–112.Google Scholar
“I heard last night your song of death,
the song of the cough in your chest
and of the dampness in the handkerchief
of the ruby stain showing flowers of blood.”
2 Until the late nineteenth century pulmonary tuberculosis or TB was known as phthisis or consumption. The best recent scholarship is being done on tuberculosis in the United States. See for example Bates, Barbara, Bargaining for Life: A Social History of Tuberculosis, 1876–1938 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1992);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Feldberg, Georgina D., Disease and Class: Tuberculosis and the Shaping of Modern North American Society (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1995);Google Scholar Rothman, Sheila M., Living in the Shadow of Death: Tuberculosis and the Social Experience of Illness in American History (New York: Basic Books, 1994);Google Scholar Ott, Katherine, Fevered Lives: Tuberculosis in American Culture since 1870 (Boston: Harvard University Press, 1996).CrossRefGoogle Scholar For a general discussion and useful bibliography on tuberculosis see Johnston, William D., “Tuberculosis,” The Cambridge World History of Human Disease, Kiple, Kenneth F., ed. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 1059–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Argentine newspapers while detailing epidemics ignored chronic disease such as tuberculosis. Until 1996 little had been published on tuberculosis in Buenos Aries. In that year Diego Armus published articles dealing with Argentine public health policies; see for example, “Salud y anarquía: la tuberculosis en el discurso libertario argentino, 1870–1940,” in Salud, cultura y sociedad en América Latina, Cueto, Marcos, ed. (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1996), pp. 111–133;Google Scholar and “La idea del verde en la ciudad moderna: Buenos Aires, 1870–1940, Entrepasados (Buenos Aires) 5:10 (1996), pp. 9–22. Also in 1996 he completed a well-researched dissertation, “The Years of Tuberculosis: Buenos Aires, 1870–1950” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1996), which Duke University Press plans to publish. For additional sources on tuberculosis in Buenos Aires see Recalde, Héctor, La Salud de los trabajadores en Buenos Aires (1870–1910), Buenos Aires: Grupo Editor Universitario, 1997, pp. 203–46Google Scholar and my article, “Blood, Coughs, and Fever: Tuberculosis and the Working Class of Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1885–1915,” Social History of Medicine 12:1 (April 1999), pp. 73–100.
3 Stowe, Steven M., “Seeing Themselves at Work: Physicians and the Case Narrative in Mid-Nineteenth-Century American South,” The American Historical Review 101:1 (February 1996), pp. 41–79 uses case narratives to examine physicians and their views of medicine.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
4 Published statistical information is unreliable because the category tuberculosis often included only those with pulmonary tuberculosis, and frequently children under fifteen were excluded. Because physicians were uncertain of their diagnosis until the patient was near death and even then they might list other causes of death the tubercular were under counted in the early part of the nineteenth century. Beginning in 1891 the government of the City of Buenos Aires began publishing Anuario estadístico de la ciudad de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Impr. Cia. Sud-Americana de Billetes de Banco) which included statistical information for as early as 1869.
5 Guy, Donna J., “Lower-Class Families, Women and the Law in Nineteenth Century Argentina,” The Journal of Family History 10:3 (Fall 1985), pp. 304–05 notes that outbreaks of cholera occurred in Buenos Aires in 1831, 1836, 1838 and yellow fever in 1871.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
6 Zabatta, Marta M. and de Forteza, Patricia, “El protomedicato y la profilaxis de la tuberculosis,” La Semana Médica (Buenos Aires) 152:15 (19 May 1978), p. 481;Google Scholar Ana María Rodríguez diligencias de quema de los bienes, Archivo General de la Nación, Buenos Aires (hereafter cited as AGN), Tribunales Sucesiones (hereafter cited as TS), leg. 8126.
7 María Isabel Rodríguez diligencias de quema de los bienes, AGN, TS, leg. 8126.
8 Zabatta, and de Forteza, , “El protomedicato,” p. 480;Google Scholar Domingo Paz y Echeverría diligencias de quema de los bienes, AGN, TS, leg. 7712.
9 Blondel, J.J.M., Almanaque político y de comercio de la ciudad de Buenos Aires para el año 1826 (Buenos Aires: Imprenta del Estado, 1826), pp. 75–77;Google Scholar Little, Cynthia Jeffress, “The Society of Beneficence in Buenos Aires, 1823–1900” (Ph.D. diss., Temple University, 1980), p. 28.Google Scholar
10 Cantón, Eliseo, Historia de la medicina en el Río de la Plata desde su descubrimiento hasta nuestra días 1512 a 1925, vol. 2, La medicina, su ejercicio y enseñanza desde la ereción del protomedicato hasta la caída de la tirania de Rosas, 1778–1852 (Madrid: Imp. G. Hernández y Galo Sáez, 1928), pp. 222–223;Google Scholar Blondel, , Almanaque Político, 1826, pp. 71–72.Google Scholar
11 Zabatta, and de Forteza, , “El protomedicato,” pp. 479–83;Google Scholar Castells, Horacio Rodríguez, “Apuntes para la historia de la tuberculosis en la República Argentina,” Revista Argentina de Tuberculosis y Enfermedades Pulmonares (Buenos Aires) 31:3 (1970), p. 123;Google Scholar there is a legible description of the disinfection process in María Francisca Ferreyra diligencias de quema de los bienes AGN, TS, leg. 7261.
12 Most histories of tuberculosis describe the causes, infection, and transmission; for example see Bates, , Bargaining for Life, pp. 7–8,Google Scholar Johnston, William, The Modern Epidemic: A History of Tuberculosis in Japan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995), pp. 25–35 CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Johnston, , “Tuberculosis,” pp. 1059–1068.Google Scholar
13 Cardif, Guillermo Furlong, Medios argentinos durante la dominación hispánica (Buenos Aires: Editorial Huarpes, S. A., 1947), p. 160 Google Scholar lists for the period 1750–1778 when Buenos Aires had a population under forty thousand, 9 physicians, 2 surgeons, 6 bleeders, 5 apothecaries, 48 barber surgeons, but no mention is made of midwives or African slaves; Urquiza Almandoz, Oscar F., “Temas médicas en los periódicos de Buenos Aires, 1810–1820,” Investigaciones y Ensayos (Buenos Aires) 12 (January–June 1972), pp. 475–89Google Scholar lists nine physicians practicing in Buenos Aires from 1810–1820 when the city had a population of between 46,000 and 55,000; seven received their medical education in Spain and two in Buenos Aires.
14 (Fawkener, W.), An Authentic and Interesting Description of the City of Buenos Aires and Adjacent Country; situate on the River Plate on the East Side of South America shewing the Manners, Custom, Produce, and Commerce of the most important and invaluable country; including, an account of the capture of Buenos Aires, July I, 1806 (London: John Fairburn, n.d.), p. 11.Google Scholar
15 For detailed discussions of medical treatments, including bleeding of a patient in Massachusetts, see Rothman, , Living in the Shadow, pp. 18, 81 and 109.Google Scholar
16 British Packet and Argentine News (Buenos Aires), 22 October 1831, p. 4.
17 Ibid. 29 June 1839, p. 4.
18 Piffero, José, Tisis tuberculosa, M.D. diss., Universidad Nacional de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Imprenta Republicana, 1854), pp. 10–12.Google Scholar Although most dissertations were published, the editions were small and I found copies only at the Professional Library of the Facultad de Medicina of the Universidad de Nacional de Buenos Aires; I have thus cited dissertations as “M.D. diss.” and provided a publisher.
19 Aznarez, Enrique P., “La.polémica contagionista de la tuberculosis en el siglo XIX y su repercusión en Córdoba: La memoria en contestación del Dr. Francisco Martínez Doblas (1831),” Anales de Tisiologia y Climatologia 3, (1944), pp. 3–6.Google Scholar
20 Castells, Rodríguez, “Apuntes,” p. 126;Google Scholar Penna, José and Madero, Horacio, La administración sanitaria y asistencia pública en la ciudad de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Guillermo Kraft, 1910), 2, pp. 70–83;Google Scholar Little, , “Society of Beneficence,” p. 183.Google Scholar
21 Blondel, , Almanaque político, 1826, pp. 71–72;Google Scholar Castells, Rodriguez, “Apuntes,” p. 126.Google Scholar
22 Hospital General de Hombres, 22 November 1823, AGN X-13-3-8; Juan del Pino, Observaciones relataban a las mejores del Hospital General de Hombres, 1 July 1823, AGN X-13-3-8.
23 Hospital General de Mujeres, AGN, X-25-2-2.
24 Cowper to Derby, London, 7 July 1875, Public Record Office, London, Foreign Office section, (hereafter PRO/FO), 6/330; Griffith to Aberdeen, Buenos Aires, 16 October 1843, PRO/FO 6/91; Bridgett to Granville, Buenos Aires, 13 August 1873, PRO/FO 6/316; British Packet and Argentine News, 2 May 1835, p. 1; “The Story of the British Hospital,” Buenos Aires Herald, Diamond Jubilee Ed., pp. 24–26.
25 “British Medical Dispensary,” British Packet and Argentine News, 8 July 1848, pp. 1–2.
26 Almanaque comercial y guía de forasteros para el estado de Buenos Aires, año 1855 (Buenos Aires: Imprenta de la Tribuna, 1854), p. 68; Little, , “Society of Beneficence,” pp. 227–228 Google Scholar notes that in 1852 more than half the patients of the Hospital General de Hombres and Hospital General de Mujeres were mentally ill.
27 Mazzei, Egidio S. and Martí, Manuel Luis, “Los planes de estudio de la Facultad de Medicina de Buenos Aires en el siglo XIX,” La Prensa Medica Argentina 56:2 (14 March 1969), pp. 85–89;Google Scholar Coselli Ibáñez, José Luis, Historia cultural de los Argentinos, vol. I, Del periodo prehispánico a la época de Rosas (Buenos Aires: Editorial Troquel, 1975), p. 451;Google Scholar Cardiff, Furlong, Medios Argentine, p. 165;Google Scholar Decoud, Diogéne, Les sciences médicales dans la République Argentina (Buenos Aires: Imprimerie, 1893), pp. 21–22.Google Scholar
28 Quiroga, Marcial I., “La Academia Nacional de Medicina en su sesquicentenario,” Investigaciones y Ensayos 13 (July–December, 1972), p. 567.Google Scholar
29 The British Packet and Argentine News, 17 April 1830, p. 4; Ibid., March 12 1836, p. 4; Ibid., 26 March 1836, p. 5; Wilde, José Antonio, Buenos Aires desde setenta años atras (Buenos Aires: Imprenta y Libreria de Mayo, 1881), p. 93;Google Scholar Almandoz, Urquiza, “Temas médicas,” pp. 476–89.Google Scholar
30 Cantón, , Historia de medicina, vol. 2, pp. 452–523;Google Scholar Decoud, , sciences médicales, pp. 21–22 Google Scholar indicates that an average of nine individuals graduated from the Facultad de Medicina between 1830 and 1852 and six from 1853 to 1873; these statistics undermine the arguments of the Rosas critics which claim that he decimated the Facultad de Medicina.
31 Báguena Cervellera, José María, La tuberculosis y su historia (Barcelona: Fundación Uriach 1838, D. L., 1992), p. 35.Google Scholar
32 Dictionnaire de Médecine (Paris: Chez Bechet Jeune Libraire, 1828), “tubercule,” XX, pp. 515–25; Nysten, P.H., Dictionnaire Médecine de Chirurgie de Pharmacie (Paris: J.S. Chaudé-Libraire-èditeur, 1835),Google Scholar “phthisie,” pp. 716–718, “tubercule,” pp. 918–919.
33 El Americano (Buenos Aires), 22 October 1819, p. 3; Ibid., 17 October 1819, pp. 7–8; Ibid., 19 November 1819, p 1.
34 Authentic and Interesting Description of the City, p. 11 ; Diario Comercial y Telégrafo Literario y Político (Buenos Aires), 9 September 1828, p. 4.
35 Piñeiro, , Tisis tubrculosa, p. 31;Google Scholar Wilde, José Antonio, Importancia del aceite de hígado de bacalao especialmente en la tisis pulmonar, M.D. diss., Universidad de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Imprenta de Mayo, 1858);Google Scholar Pérez, Eugenio, Opúculo sobre la tisis pulmonar, M.D. diss., Universidad de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Imprenta Caja del Estado, 1843), p. 57.Google Scholar
36 Piñeiro, , Tisis tuberculosa, pp. 27–29;Google Scholar British Packet and Argentine News, 16 October 1841, p. 4; Pérez, Eugenio, Opúsculo sobre la tisis, pp. 41–43 and 52–56;Google Scholar Castells, Rodriguez, “Apuntes,” pp. 124–25.Google Scholar
37 Klappenbach, E., “Tuberculosis pulmonar: inyecciones de Gayacol-íodoformado,” Anales del Círculo Médico Argentino 15:5 (May 1892), pp. 231–232.Google Scholar
38 Arini, Juan B., Estudio estadístico del Hospital General de Mujeres, M.D. diss., Universidad de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Imprenta de M. Biedma, 1879), pp. 16–17, 39 and 41.Google Scholar
39 “La Municipalidad y la higiene pública,” El Porteño (Buenos Aires), 16 February 1877, p. 1; Crider, Ernest Allen, “Modernization and Human Welfare: The Asistencia Pública and Buenos Aires, 1882–1910” (Ph.D. diss., Ohio State University, 1975), p. 31.Google Scholar
40 Revista Médico-Quirúrgica, 19:7 (8 July 1882), pp. 135–136; also see announcements in other journals such as Anales del Círculo Médico Argentino_ in 1882 and 1883.
41 Urquiola, Cesáreo, Higiene de Buenos Aires, M.D. diss., Universidad de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: El Censor, 1891), p. 27;Google Scholar “La disinfección pública en la tuberculosis,” Revista de la Tuberculosis 1:8 (January 1902), pp. 283–284.
42 Coni, Emilio R., “Hospitalización y aislamiento de los tuberculosos pulmonares en Buenos Aires,” La Semana Médica 9:43 (27 October 1904), pp. 1139–1140;Google Scholar Penna, and Madero, , La administración sanitaria y asistencia pública, 1, pp. 145–149 and 211;Google Scholar Gache, Samuel, “La lucha antituberculosa en la República Argentina,” La Lucha Antituberculosa 4:1,2,3 (June, July, August, 1904), pp. 2–3.Google Scholar
43 Penna, and Madero, , La administración sanitaria, 2, p. 129;Google Scholar Castells, Rodriguez, “Apuntes,” pp. 126–27.Google Scholar
44 Martínez, Alberto B., Censo General de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires levantado en los días 11 y 18 de septiembre de 1904 (Buenos Aires: Compañía Sud-Americana de Billetes del Banco, 1906), p. 323;Google Scholar Beneficencia 1897–1900 (Buenos Aires: Imprenta Litografia y Encuademación G. Kraft, 1900), p. 18; for problems in the Hospital Rivadavia see Little, , “The Society of Beneficence,” p. 208.Google Scholar
45 Cantón, , Historia de la medicina, pp. 242–243;Google Scholar Chiocconi, Antonio R., La tuberculina residual en el tratamiento de la tuberculosis, M.D. diss., Universidad Nacional de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Imprenta “La Elzeviriana,” 1898), pp. 31–38;Google Scholar Esoin, Sebastían, Tratamiento de la tuberculosis pulmonar, M.D. diss., Universidad Nacional de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: La Semana Médica, 1914), pp. 85–89.Google Scholar
46 Klappenbach, , “Tuberculosis pulmonar,” pp. 225–236.Google Scholar
47 Ibid., pp. 231–233.
48 “Mortalidad por enfermedades infecciosas,” Anales del Departamento Nacional de Higiene 2:25 (1 July 1896), pp. 403–410 and 425–428; Ibid., 6:27 (16 July 1896), pp. 494–497; Ibid., 6:30 (8 August 1896), pp. 522–524; Ibid., 6:34 (8 September 1896), pp. 610–612 and 721–722; Ibid., 6:42 (8 November 1896), pp. 800–801 and 862–866; Ibid., 7:1, 2 (1 and 8 January 1897), pp. 21–23; Ibid., 7:5, 6 (1 and 8 February 1897), pp. 86–89.
49 Matorras, Fenelón, Tisis tuberculosis y neumomica, M.D. diss., Universidad Nacional de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Imprenta á Vapor de la Nación, 1878), pp. 87–88.Google Scholar
50 “Carta de un tuberculoso curado en las sierras de Córdoba,” La Lucha Antituberculosa 5:1 (June 1905), pp. 7–8.
51 British Packet and Argentine News, 16 October 1841, p. 4 and Varela, Florencio D., Auto-Biografía de D. Florencio Varela (Montevideo: Imprenta del Comercio del Plata, 1848), p 13.Google Scholar
52 See the twelve cases discussed by Matorras, , Tisis tuberculosis, pp. 87–107.Google Scholar
53 Azárez, Enrique P., “Historia de la climatoterapia de la tuberculosis en las sierras de Córdoba,” Segundo Congreso Nacional de Historia de la Medicina Argentina, Córdoba 21-24 October 1870 (Córdoba, 1970), p. 418;Google Scholar Dr.Scrivener, , “Sanitary Character of the Mountains of Cordova (sic.) and the Andine Heights by Dr. Scrivener,” Medical Times and Gazette 2 (30 October 1869), p. 557;Google Scholar Malbrán, C. and Castilla, Ezequiel, “Profilaxia de la tuberculosis en las sierras de Cosquín Córdoba,” Anales del Departmento Nacional de Higiene 12:8 (August 1905), p. 391.Google Scholar
54 Malbrán, and Castilla, , “Profilaxia de la tuberculosis,” p. 391.Google Scholar
55 Castels, Rodriguez, “Apuntes,” p. 129.Google Scholar
56 González, José D., “Climatología: a las sierras cordobesas: y el proyectado sanatorium para tuberculosis,” Semana Médica 1:30 (9 August 1894), p. 225;Google Scholar Tornú, Enrique, Sierras de Córdoba (Buenos Aires: Tip. y Encuademación de Juan Schurer-Stolle y Cía, 1901), p. 23;Google Scholar Azárez, , “Historia de la climatoterapia,” p. 419.Google Scholar
57 González, , “Climatología,” pp. 225–226.Google Scholar
58 Massé, Juan Bialet, Informe sobre el estado de las clases obreras en el interior de la República, 3 vols (Buenos Aires: Imprenta y Casa Editora de Adolfo Gran, 1904) 2, 357;Google Scholar “Carta de un tuberculoso curado,” pp. 9–10.
59 Santas, Manuel, Tratamiento racional de la tuberculosis en la Republic Argentina, M.D. diss., Universidad Nacional de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Imprenta Mariano Moreno, 1898), pp. 54–88.Google Scholar
60 “Carta de un tuberculoso curado,” p. 10.
61 Ott, , Fevered Lives, pp. 150–52 Google Scholar, for an excellent discussion of reasons for sanatoriums.
62 de Coni, Gabriela de L., “El barrio de las ramas,” Alianza de Higiene Social 7 (1907–1908), p. 80.Google Scholar
63 Mazzeo, Victoria, Migración internacional en la ciudad de Buenos Aires 1855–1980 (Buenos Aires: Municipalidad de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires, 1988), p. 3,Google Scholar provides the total and foreign populations for the city of Buenos Aires for various years from 1855 to 1914.
64 Scobie, James R., Buenos Aires: Plaza to Suburb, 1870–1919 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), pp. 135–42;Google Scholar Patroni, Adrián, Los trabajadores en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Imprenta Litografía y Encuademación 1897), pp. 116–118 and 127–129;Google Scholar Gutiérrez, Leandro H., “La Mala Vida,” José Luis Romero and Luis Alberto Romero, Buenos Aires historia de cuatro siglos (Buenos Aires: Editorial Abril, 1983)2, pp. 85–89.Google Scholar
65 Calculations were based on data provide by Aires, Buenos, City, Statistical Year-Book of the City of Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Impr. Cia., Sud-Americana de Billetes de Banco, 1910), pp. 20 and 121–24;Google Scholar Mazzeo, , Migración internacional, p. 19.Google Scholar
66 Velásquez, Jacinto, “Mortalidad por tuberculosis, 1909,” Alianza de Higiene Social, 9 (1909), pp. 10–11;Google Scholar Gache, Samuel, La tuberculose dans la République Argentine (Buenos Aires: Augustin Etcheparebarda, 1899), pp. 1489–1450,Google Scholar in examining the 1896 deaths by parishes notes that the most densely populated had the largest number of cases of tuberculosis; Balvanera had 70 and San Cristóbal had 71, while the wealthiest ones such as Cathedral Norte had 8 and Cathedral Sud had 5, but Gache did not adjust for the size of total population in each district.
67 Bunge, Augusto, Contribución al estudio de la tuberculosis de las serosas, M.D. diss., Universidad Nacional de Buenos Aires, (Buenos Aires: Revista Nacional, Casa Editora, 1900), p. 29.Google Scholar
68 Iglesia, Rafael E.J., “La vivienda opulenta en Buenos Aires: 1880–1900 hechos y testimonios,” Jornadas de historia de la ciudad de Buenos Aires, vol. 1, La vivienda en Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Municipalidad de Ciudad de Buenos Aires, 1985), pp. 137–139;Google Scholar Gache, Samuel, Les logements ouvriers à Buenos Ayres (Paris: G. Steinheil, 1900), pp. 83–87.Google Scholar
69 Yujnovsky, Oscar, “Del conventillo a la villa miseria,” José Luis Romero and Luis Alberto Romero, Buenos Aires de historia de cuatro siglos (Buenos Aires: Editorial Abril, 1898), 2, p. 453.Google Scholar
70 Yujnovsky, , “Del Conventillo,” p. 453;Google Scholar Patroni, , Los trabajadores en Argentina, p. 130 Google Scholar; Alsina, Juan A., El obrero en la República Argentina (Buenos Aires: Imprenta Calle de Mexico, 1905), pp. 225–229 Google Scholar notes the rent and size of rooms in various Parishes in 1904.
71 Scobie, , Buenos Aires: Plaza to Suburb, pp. 153–55;Google Scholar Rawson, Guillermo, “Estudio sobre las casa de inquilinato de Buenos Aires,” La Mutualidad 42:414 (January 1941), pp. 4–6;Google Scholar Gutaman, Margarita and Hardoy, Jorge E., Buenos Aires: historia urbana del area metropolitana (Madrid: Mapfie, D.L., 1992), pp. 110–111 and 134.Google Scholar
72 Statistics for 1883 and 1904, Martínez, Censo general de la ciudad de Buenos Aires 1904, pp. CXXIII, 121–122 and 131; statistics 1919 in Yujnovsky, , “Del conventillo,” p. 453.Google Scholar
73 “Carta de un tuberculoso curado,” p. 8.
74 Bunge, Augusto, “La conquistas de la higiene social: los peligros de la industria: II El ambiente del trabajo,” Departamento Nacional de Higiene 16:6 (June 1909), pp. 243–270;Google Scholar Ginenez, , Consideraciones de higiene, p. 42–64;Google Scholar “Liga argentina contra la tuberculosis,” Revista de la Tuberculosis 1:6 (November 1901), p. 217.
75 Gache, Samuel, “Profilaxia antituberculosa en Buenos Aires,” La Semana Médica 10:42 (15 October 1903), pp. 977–984;Google Scholar Guy, Both, “Lower-class Families,” pp. 298–303 Google Scholar and Crider, , “Modernization and Human Welfare,” pp. 173–79,Google Scholar emphasize that the public health officials sought to promote public order by the control of the poor. Although I agree with this interpretation, I note that Diego Armus in “Utopías Urbans, Utopías Médicas,” a paper presented at the 1995 LASA Conference, views the public hygienist Emilio Coni, as a Utopian.
76 See Cereseto, Pedro L., “Historia de curanderos en la Provincia de Buenos Aires,” Boletín de la Academia Nacional de Medicina de Buenos Aires 61 (1983), pp. 485–500,Google Scholar for a discussion of nineteenth century healers; Saggese, Domingo, Yerbas Medicinales Argentinas, 10th ed. (Rosario: Antognazzi & Cia., 1959),Google Scholar includes herbs found in Argentina which were used for the treatment of tuberculosis. Little research has been published on popular conceptions of disease and cure in nineteenth century Argentina. However, given the limits of medical knowledge and the few physicians in the early part of the century, healers must have provided medical care to the poor.
77 Coni, Emilio, Higiene social, asistencia y previsión social: Buenos Aires caritativo y previsor (Buenos Aires: Imprenta de Emilio Spinelli, 1918), pp. 432–434;Google Scholar Coni, Emilio R., “The Antituberculous Campaign in Latin America,” Medical Record (New York), 2 May 1903, p. 693;Google Scholar “Dispensary Dr. Enrique Tornú,” La Lucha Antituberculosa 2:1 (June 1902), pp. 12–14; “La Asistencia de tuberculosos pobres, Alianza de Higiene Social, 7 (1907–1908), p. 195.
78 “Liga argentina contra tuberculosis,” Alianza de Higiene Social 9: 8,9 (January and February 1910), pp. 229-232 provides specific data on the medical consultations, office visits, prescriptions, food distributions, and sputum analysis between 1902–1909.
79 Coni, Emilio R., “Presente de Liga Argentina contra la tuberculosis,” Alianza de Higiene Social 7 (31 January 1908), pp. 357–358;Google Scholar “Liga Argentina contra la tuberculosis,” p. 233, provide the nationality and professions of those in 1907 in the Dispensary Doctor Rawson and for 1909 by professions for all dispensaries.
80 “Sanatorio municipal Doctor Tornú,” Lucha Antituberculosa 4:12 (12 May 1905), pp. 533–535; Coni, Emilio R., “La lucha antituberculosa en la República Argentina,” La Lucha Antituberculosa 5: 4–9 (1905), pp. 166–180 Google Scholar provides a detailed schedule of a patient’s activities; Martínez, , Censo General, pp. 319–320;Google Scholar Coni, Emilio R., “La campaña contra la tuberculosis en la República Argentina,” La Semana Médica 16:40 (7 October 1909), pp. 1398–1399.Google Scholar
81 Gaché, , “La lucha antituberculosa,” pp. 2–22;Google Scholar Castells, Horacio Rodríguez, “75 Aniversario,” Revista Argentina de Tuberculosis y Enfermedades Pulmonares 37: 1–4 (1976), pp. 3–9.Google Scholar
82 The League against Tuberculosis recognized that it was not identifying all the tubercular; “Profilaxis antituberculosa en Buenos Aires,” La Lucha Antituberculosa 3:4 and 5 (September/October 1903), p. 104.
83 Terán, José D., Pre-Tuberculosos: Contribución a su estudio, M.D. diss., Universidad Nacional de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Arsenio Guidi Buffarmi, 1905), pp. 61–66.Google Scholar
84 Ibid., pp. 91–96.
85 Alfaro, Gregorio Aráoz, La tuberculosis infantil en la República Argentina, relación presentada al 2nd congreso médico Latino-Americano (Buenos Aires: Imprenta Libreria y Casa Editora de A. Etchepareborda, 1904), p. 22.Google Scholar
86 To date little has been done on the life of children in nineteenth-century Buenos Aires with the exception of the work of Guy, Donna J., “The Pan American Child Congresses, 1916–1942: Pan American child reform, and the welfare state in Latin America,” Journal of Family History 23:3 (July 1998), pp. 272–291.CrossRefGoogle Scholar AGN, has in Tribunales Civil (TC) cases dealing with the custody of minor children which provide information on their lives; see the following: Leonardo Benítez con Basilea Martínez sobre menores, B–1; El menor Don José Mariano Buchardo se nombrimiento de curado, B–1; Doña Paula Ballon contra Doña María Martínez sobre una menor, B–35; Don Feliz Bacariza solicitando nombrar tutor y curador en 1829, B–l2; Doña Villanueva con Germán González, V–W–47. retención de menor.
87 Argentina, República, Album histórico de la sociedad de beneficencia de la capital Argentina, 1823–1910 (Buenos Aires: Lit. A. Bianche, 1910), discuses the various institutions. Bernardino Rivadavia founded The Sociedad de Beneficencia in 1823 with the responsibility of administering the charity hospitals formerly run by religious orders.Google Scholar
88 Alsina, , El Obrero, pp. 137–38.Google Scholar
89 It is difficult to estimate the percentage of tubercular deaths in the Casa de Expositos because the total number of children varied drastically in any given year as children died or left. For example, on December 31, 1905 there were 1633 children in the Casa de Expósitos, but there had been 3613 different children there during the same year; Sociedad de Beneficencia de la Capital, Memoria de año 1905 (Buenos Aires: Imprenta, Litografía y Encuademación G. Kraft, 1906), pp. 48 and 88. Early in the century 50 percent of the children were dying within three years of arrival. Although only vague descriptions of the cause of death was indicated, the depictions suggest tuberculosis deaths; see Libro quinto de filiación de la Casa de Expósitos, año, 1809; Sisto, Genaro, “La escuela preventiva de mar para niños débiles y su importancia en la profilaxis antituberculosa,” La Semana Médica 26:11 (13 March 1919), p. 267,Google Scholar suggested that in 1918, 66 percent of the children in the Casa Expositos were tubercular.
90 Anzorean, Antonio D’Angelo, Tuberculosis de la primera infancia, M.D. diss., Universidad Nacional de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Imp. Bossio & Bigiani, 1917);Google Scholar Sisto, , “La escuela preventiva,” pp. 264–266.Google Scholar
91 Alfaro, Gregorio Aráoz, “Sur la tuberculosa infantil a Buenos Ayres particulièrement sur ses formes difuses,” Anales del Círculo Médico Argentino 26:5 (31 May 1903), p. 172.Google Scholar
92 Borkowski, José M., “Tuberculosis en el escolar,” M.D. diss., (Universidad Nacional de Buenos Aires, 1919), pp. 16–26.Google Scholar
93 A variety of sources discuss the problem of diagnosis in children; Sisto, , “La escuela preventiva,” pp. 264–266;Google Scholar Garrahan, Juan P., and Pico, Octavio M., “La escuela para niños débiles en la profilaxis antituberculosa los niños débiles,” La Semana Médica 27:23 (20 May 1920), pp. 698–699;Google Scholar Alfaro, Aráoz, “Sur la tuberculosa infantil,” pp. 179–186;Google Scholar Alfaro, Gregorio Aráoz, “Tuberculosis difusa de los niños,” Revista de la Sociedad Médica Argentina 3:14 (March/April 1894), p. 159–161.Google Scholar
94 Coni, , Higiene Social, p. 440;Google Scholar Gache, Samuel and Muñiz, Juan A., “Mutualidad Escolar,” La Lucha Antituberculosa 5:8 (January 1906), pp. 270–271.Google Scholar
95 Guy, Donna J., “Emilio and Gabriela Coni: Reformers, Public Health and Working Women,” The Human Tradition in Latin America: the Nineteenth Century, Ewell, Judith and Beezley, William H., eds. (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources, 1989), pp. 232–248.Google Scholar
96 “Inspección escolar en la República Argentina, Uruguay, Chile y Brasil,” Alianza de Higiene Social, 9: 7 (December. 1909), pp. 218–219; Raimondi, Silvio, Profilaxia de la Tuberculosis, M.D. diss., Universidad Nacional de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Las Ciencias, 1915).Google Scholar
97 Borkowski, , “Tuberculosis en el escolara,” pp. 77;Google Scholar Garrahan, and Pico, , “La escuela para niños débiles,” pp. 699–701;Google Scholar “Escuelas para niños débiles,” Alianza de Higiene Social 9:7 (December 1909), pp. 198–199; Coni, Emilio R., “La lucha antituberculosa en la América Latina,” Alianza de Higiene Social 9:3,4 (August/September 1909), p. 78.Google Scholar
98 The Consejo Nacional de Educación established the first summer camp at Mar del Plata in 1895; the Liga Argentina contra la Tuberculosis established a second at Claypole in 1902. The Association of Damas Escuelas y Patronas established a third at Pirín in 1907 and a fourth in Bella Vista in 1909; Coni, , “La Lucha antituberculosa,” p. 76;Google Scholar Coni, Emilio R., “Colonia de vacaciones de Bella Vista,” Alianza de Higiene Social 9:7 (December 1909), p. 195.Google Scholar
99 “Sanatorio marítimo de Mar del Plata,” Revista de la Tuberculosis 1:8 (January 1902), p. 288, for statistical information but the entire article describes the institution.
100 Coni, Emilio, “La assistance de niños enfermos en Buenos Aires,” Revista de Higiene Infantil 1 (1892), pp. 597–598.Google Scholar
101 Alsina, , El obrero en la República, p. 138.Google Scholar
102 “La tuberculosis como enfermedad popular: causas; medios de prevenirla y curarla,” La Revista de la Tuberculosis 1:3 (August 1901), p. 82.
103 Fiorino, Alfonso R., “Evaristo Carriego, ‘E1 Poeta del suburbio’ y la tuberculosis,” Revista Argentina de Tuberculosis. Enfermedades Pulmonares y Salud Publica 48:1 (1986), p. 74;Google Scholar Gabriel, José, Evaristo Carriego (Buenos Aires: Agencia Sudamericans de Libros, 1921), pp. 7–12.Google Scholar Carriego first wrote for Protesta, which was a daily newspaper of ideas before becoming an anarchist paper. He also published his writing in Caras y Caretas, Papel y Tinta, Ideas y Figuras, Nosotros and Ladron Conocido.
104 Three poems are particularly useful for a description of those dying of tuberculosis: “Bajo la angustia, Misas Herejas, 111–112; “Residuo de fábrica,” and “De invierno,” quoted in Fiorino, , “Evaristo Carriego,” p. 75.Google Scholar For discussion of his verses as tangos see Francisco García Jiménez, Estampas de Tango (Buenos Aires, 1958), pp. 85–86.
105 Borges, Jorge Luis, Evaristo Carriego, (New York: E. P. Dutton, Inc., 1984), pp. 60–61.Google Scholar