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The Mexican-German Conspiracy of 1915

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Michael C. Meyer
Michael C. Meyer*
Affiliation:
University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Nebraska
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Extract

The Zimmermann telegram of 1917, the attempt of the German government to bring Mexico into World War I on the side of the Central Powers, is a well-known diplomatic episode because it is generally conceded to be one of the series of factors which convinced President Woodrow Wilson of the efficacy of abandoning his policy of neutrality. In return for her co-operation, and upon the successful conclusion of the war, Mexico was to “recover the lost territory in Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona.” On March 1, 1917, when the incident was recorded in the United States press and before either the State Department or the White House issued a confirmation or a denial, many congressmen and a good percentage of the United States public considered the note to be a brazen forgery and a great hoax. Had they realized that Foreign Minister Arthur Zimmermann’s proposal to Venustiano Carranza was not a bold and newly devised scheme but rather the climax of several years of intrigue with various Mexican officials and exile groups and had they been aware that the idea of restoring the territory lost in the middle of the nineteenth century was a Mexican rather than a German idea, there would have been but little reason to dispute the validity of the document in question.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Americas , Volume 23 , Issue 1 , July 1966 , pp. 76 - 89
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 1966

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References

1 Congressional Record, 64th Congress, 2d Session (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1917), pp. 4569-4575.

2 The subject of Mexican-German intrigues in the two years prior to the publication of the Zimmerman telegram has never been fully examined. The most scholarly brief treatment of these specific episodes is found in Katz, Friedrich, Deutschland, Diaz und die mexikanische Revolution: Die deutsche Politik in Mexiko, 1870-1920 (Berlin: Veb Deutscher Verlag der Wissenschaften, 1964), pp. 339–349 Google Scholar, and passim. General references are also made in Tuchman, Barbara, The Zimmerman Telegram (New York: The Viking Press, 1958), pp. 66–83 Google Scholar and George Rausch, “The Exile and Death of Victoriano Huerta,” Hispanic American Historical Review, XLII (May, 1962), 133-151; hereafter HAHR. It is not the purpose of any of these studies, however, to analyze the activities of the group of Mexican exiles with whom the German government sought to cooperate nor to interpret the significance of the intrigues on subsequent United States—Mexican relations. Many of the official Mexican records of the various German-Mexican plots apparently have been removed from the Archivo de Relaciones Exteriores in Mexico City or are maintained in a separate file not open to investigators. During several months of research in this repository the author encountered a good deal of material on the general subject of German-Mexican relations but uncovered only occasional reference to the conspiracies themselves. It is undoubtedly for this reason that most Mexican monographs treating the diplomacy of the period make no mention of the incidents. On the other hand the United States Department of State records pertaining to Mexican affairs contain abundant information on the subject and the records of the German Foreign Ministry contain some.

3 Schiff, Warren, “German Military Penetration into Mexico During the Late Díaz Period,” HAHR, XXXIX (Nov., 1959), 568–579 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Villegas, Daniel Cosío (ed.), Historia Moderna de México, El Porfiriato, Vida Económica (México: Editorial Hermes, 1965), VII, 714-716Google Scholar; Vagts, Alfred, Deutschland und die Vereinigten Staaten in der Weltpolitik (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1955), II, 1766-1781Google Scholar; Katz, Deutschland, Diaz und die Mexikanische Revolution, pp. 87–166. Some idea of the extent of cultural penetration can be gleaned from Marianne O. de Bopp, “El Periodismo Alemán en Mexico,” Historia Mexicana, IX (July, 1959-June, 1960), 558-570.

4 Orozco already had a full career of revolutionary activity in Mexico. He had been Francisco Madero’s most successful general in the military campaigns against the Díaz dictatorship. After Madero’s installation in the presidency, Orozco split with the new chief executive and led an unsuccessful revolution against him. When Madero fell victim to Victoriano Huerta’s coup in February, 1913, Orozco pledged his support to the Huerta regime and served Huerta as a field general until the combined effort of the United States and the Constitutionalists forced the president’s resignation. Orozco’s career is analyzed in Meyer, Michael C., “The Career of Pascual Orozco, Jr.: A Case Study of a Mexican Revolutionist.” (Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of New Mexico, 1963.)Google Scholar

5 El Paso Morning Times, Sept. 14, 1914.

6 Ibid., Sept. 18, 1914.

7 Ibid., Nov. 3 and 27, 1914. For a detailed list of prominent Mexicans in the United States at this time see Sax, Antimaco, Los Mexicanos en el Destierro (San Antonio: International Printing Company, 1916), pp. 43–73.Google Scholar

8 Albuquerque Morning Journal, Nov. 21, 1914.

9 El Paso Morning Times, Nov. 26, 1914.

10 Silvestre Terrazas Collection, Bancroft Library, University of California, Colonel Tomás Ornelas to Military Governor of Chihuahua, Dec. 24, 1914.

11 Records of the Department of State Relating to the Internal Affairs of Mexico, 1910-1929, National Archives Microfilm Publication, Microcopy 274, Special Agent Department of Justice, A.G. Adams to Sec. of State, 812.00/13383, Sept. 18, 1914. Hereinafter cited as RDS with appropriate information.

12 New York Times, Dec. 15, 1914.

13 “New Movements in the North,” Independent, LXXX (Dec. 14, 1914), 400.

14 El Paso Morning Times, Dec. 10, 1914.

15 The subject of border raids and their connection with the Plan de San Diego is discussed most comprehensively in Cumberland, Charles, “Border Raids in the Lower Rio Grande Valley—1915,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly, LVII (July, 1953—April, 1954), 290–295 Google Scholar. Further information can be gleaned from Congressional Record, 64th Congress, 1st Session (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1916), pp. 4846-4848.

16 Investigation of Mexican Affairs, Report and Hearing before a Subcommittee on Foreign Relations, 66th Congress, 2d Session (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1919-1920), I, 1205.

17 RDS, Toribio Esquivel Obregón to Woodrow Wilson, 812.00/14576, Mar. 8, 1915.

18 RDS, Gracey, Consul Sevilla to Sec. of State, 812.00/14751, Mar. 31, 1915.

19 Goltz, Horst von der, My Adventures as a German Secret Service Agent (New York: McGride, Robert M. and Company, 1917), p. 236 Google Scholar. Captain von der Goltz’ memoirs must be used with caution as it would appear that he was somewhat prone to exaggeration. On the other hand, the author has found no reason to question the basic outline of information contained in the account.

20 Jones, John Price and Hollister, Paul Merrick, The German Secret Service in America (Boston: Small, Maynard and Company, 1918), p. 135 Google Scholar; Rausch, “The Exile and Death of Huerta,” p. 135.

21 Scott, James Brown (ed.), Diplomatic Correspondence Between the United States and Germany, August 1, 1914—April 6, 1917 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1918), p. 335 Google Scholar; Lechartier, G., Intrigues et Diplomaties a Washington 1914-1917 (Paris: Plon-Nourrit et Cle, 1919), pp. 163–165.Google Scholar

22 Rausch, “The Exile and Death of Huerta,” p. 135.

23 U. S. Department of State, Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, 1915 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1924), p. 827.

24 Ibid., p. 828.

25 New York Times, Apr. 13, 1915.

26 Jones, The German Secret Service, p. 291. Although Von der Goltz suggests that Von Papen had actually established contact with the exiles in Texas before Creel was dispatched to Spain, and indeed had suggested the idea to them, this writer has found no corroboratory evidence. Von der Goltz, German Secret Agent, p. 255.

27 Kleist, Franz Rintelen von, The Dark Invader: Wartime Reminiscences of a German Naval Intelligence Officer (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1933), p. 176.Google Scholar

28 Frankfurter Zeitung, Apr. 15, 1915.

29 Bernstorff, Count, My Three Years in America (New York: Charles Scribner Sons, 1920), pp. 115–123.Google Scholar

30 Official German Documents Relating to the War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1923), I, 260.

31 Professor Arthur Link has found that there is ample documentary evidence to refute Bernstorff’s contention that he had absolutely no knowledge of the various intrigues. See Woodrow Wilson and the Progressive Era, 1900-1917 (New York: Harper and Row, 1963), p. 201, n. 11. On the other hand German Foreign Ministry records indicate that Bernstorff was often the last person of consequence to be informed of important negotiations with Mexico. Deutschland Auswärtiges Amt., Abteilung A, C3597, Geheime Akten betreffend allgemeine Angelegenheiten Mexicos, May 10, 1915.

32 Official German Documents Relating to the War, I, 260.

33 Von Papen led an extremely interesting life in Mexico. On one occasion he organized a European volunteer brigade in Mexico City as the capital was bracing itself for an attack by the Zapatistas. One of his special assignments in Mexico was to study Mexican methods of blowing up trains. Some aspects of Von Papen’s Mexican career can be traced in Franz von Papen, Memoirs (London: Andre Deutsch, Ltd., 1952), p. 17; James, William, The Eyes of the Navy, A Biographical Study of Sir Reginald Hall (London: Methuen and Company, Ltd., 1956), p. 133 Google Scholar; and Koeves, Tibor, Satan in Top Hat: The Biography of Franz von Papen (New York: Alliance Book Corporation, 1941), p. 24.Google Scholar

34 Katz, Deutschland, Diaz und die Mexikanische Revolution, pp. 339-340; Rausch, “The Exile and Death of Huerta,” p. 137.

35 Emanuel Victor Voska and Irwin, Will, Spy and Counterspy (New York: Doubleday, Doran and Co., Inc., 1940), p. 195.Google Scholar

36 Katz, Deutschland, Diaz und die Mexikanische Revolution, p. 339; Link, Woodrow Wilson, p. 200, n. 10.

37 El Presente, May 26, 1915. Quoted in Sax, Los Mexicanos en el Destierro, pp. 95-96.

38 The United States Ambassador to Germany, James Gerard, commented upon the conspiracy as did Robert Lansing. Gerard, James W., Face to Face with Kaiserism (New York: Doran, George H. Co., 1918)Google Scholar, pp. 66, 94-95; Lansing, Robert, War Memoirs of Robert Lansing (New York: The Bobbs, Merrill Co., 1935), p. 75.Google Scholar

39 RDS, Bryan to Custom’s Inspector (El Paso) Zachary Cobb, 812.00/14928, Apr. 26, 1915.

40 RDS, “Report of Conditions Along the Border,” 812.00/14899, Apr. 10, 1915; RDS, “Report of Conditions Along the Border,” 812.00/14971, Apr. 25, 1915; RDS, Cobb to Sec. of State, 812.00/14999, May 11, 1915.

41 Albuquerque Morning Journal, June 27, 1915.

42 RDS, “Report of Conditions Along the Border,” 812.00/16125, Sept. 11, 1915.

43 U. S. Foreign Relations, 1915, p. 828.

44 Records of the Adjutant General’s Office, Department of War, Record Group 9A, Frederick Funston to Adjutant General, Doc. File Box 7835, No. 2303485, July 4, 1915.

45 RDS, Huerta to Lansing, 812.001/H87/52, July 26, 1915.

46 RDS, Bernstorff to Lansing, 812.001/H87/52, July 28, 1915.

47 RDS, Wilson to Lansing, 812.001/H87/52, Aug. 2, 1915.

48 New York World, Aug. 5, 1915.

49 Archivo de Relaciones Exteriores de México. Revolución Mexicana Durante los Años de 1910 a 1920, E. A. Gonzalez, Consul San Diego to Ramón P. Negri, Consul General San Francisco, L-E 817, T. 208, Nr. 128, Jul. 6, 1915. Hereinafter cited as AREM with appropriate information.

50 AREM, Adolfo Carrillo, Consul Los Angeles to González, L-E 817, T. 208, Nr. 133, July 2, 1915.

51 The questionable circumstances under which both Orozco and Huerta met their end within several months of each other has prompted some Mexican historians to suggest that perhaps the United States government, or even President Wilson personally ordered the “assassinations.” This author has found nothing to suggest such a conjecture has any basis in fact. See Muñoz, Ignacio, Verdad y Mito de la Revolución Mexicana (Mexico: Ediciones Populares, S. A., 1960), I, 292 and 367 and II, 385 and 392.Google Scholar

52 Deutschland Auswärtiges Amt., Abteilung A. C3597, Geheime Akten betreffend Allgemeine Angelegenheiten Mexicos, May 10, 1915.

53 See Katz, Frederich, “Alemania y Francisco Villa,” Historia Mexicana, XII (July, 1962-June, 1963), 88–102.Google Scholar

54 The public was not fully apprised of the details until early December, 1915, at the time when the United States government demanded the recall of Franz von Papen and Karl Boy-Ed. Among the reasons given for their dismissal was the fact that “… the government has conclusive proof that the entire Huerta conspiracy, which was hatched in Barcelona, Spain last year, was engineered through Captain Boy-Ed and Captain von Papen. …” New York Times, Dec. 4, 1915.