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Organization of the Indonesian Elections*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 September 2013

Robert C. Bone Jr.
Robert C. Bone Jr.
Affiliation:
Cornell University
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Extract

Last September 29th, with over forty million voters eligible, Indonesia initiated its first parliamentary election since independence. Although the election of the 260-member, unicameral Parliament concluded November 29th, December 15th sees the voters again casting their ballots—this time for a 520-member constituent assembly charged with drafting Indonesia's first permanent constitution.

The struggle to carry out elections has been a difficult and protracted one. It has required a decade of strenuous effort characterized by armed struggle, domestic insecurity, shortages of trained personnel and equipment, problems of communication between the nation's hundreds of islands scattered over 3,000 miles from east to west, an overwhelmingly illiterate electorate and, recently at least, reluctance on the part of certain influential groups to hasten matters.

Whatever may be the outcome, the intent to hold elections has been present ever since the Indonesian Republic proclaimed its independence from the Netherlands on August 17, 1945. In a decree issued on November 3, 1945, for example, the Government of the Indonesian Republic avowed its intent to execute “the elections for members of the peoples' representative bodies in the month of January, 1946.” The decree in question was issued for the unique purpose of urging the formation of political parties.

Type
Research Article
Information
American Political Science Review , Volume 49 , Issue 4 , December 1955 , pp. 1067 - 1084
Copyright
Copyright © American Political Science Association 1955

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References

1 In July of this year the Interior Minister reported that over 42 million potential voters had been registered of, whom over 30 million were on the island of Java alone. No estimate was given of the total number legally eligible for registration. This would be of particular interest since the election lists were summarily closed in September, 1954, five and a half months behind schedule, while registration was still admittedly incomplete.

2 This constitution, although the first permanent one, will actually be Indonesia's fourth. The others were that of August, 1945, when the first (Jogja) republic was proclaimed; that of January–August, 1950, during the period of the United States of Indonesia; and the present constitution, in effect since August, 1950.

3 Reksodipuro, Subagio, Pemilihan Umum (Medan, Indonesia, 1951)Google Scholar.

4 Kahin, George McT., Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia (Ithaca, 1962), p. 154Google Scholar.

5 Quotations translated from Kepartaian di Indonesia (Kementerian Penerangan, Djakarta, 1953), p. 4Google Scholar.

6 What is Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat?, Secretariat, Indonesian Parliament, undated, mimeographed, pp. 2–4.

7 The inspiration for this unique body apparently came from the “Working Committee” of the Indian Nationalist Congress which served as the executive and policy formulating body in between the annual congresses. But this, of course, was merely an administrative device of a private organization. See also Kahin, op. cit., p. 152.

8 Law No. 27 of 1948 as amended by Law No. 12 of 1949—Reksodipuro, SubagioPemilihan Umum (Djakarta, 1951), p. 10Google Scholar.

9 What is Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat?, p. 4.

10 “Provisional Constitution of the Indonesian Republic (1950)”, Chapter II, Section II, Articles 56–77, Indonesian Review, Vol. 1, pp. 144–47 (Feb.–March, 1951)Google Scholar.

11 Usually known as the “Jogja” Republic since the capital was at the town of Jogja in Central Java.

12 See Chap. IV, Article 16, “Constitution of the Indonesian Republic” (1945), Indonesian Review, Vol. 1, p. 138 (Feb.–March, 1951)Google Scholar. The inspiration for this “High Advisory Council” may well have come from the pre-war Raad van Indie (Council of the Indies) which served as an advisory council to the Dutch Governor-General. Not to be overlooked as another possible source of inspiration is the Japanese Genro or group of Elder Statesmen, although it will be remembered that the Genro was throughout its existence an extra-constitutional body. In the three and a half years of Japanese occupation (1942–1945) there was ample time for the Indonesian nationalist leaders to become well acquainted with all aspects of the Japanese administrative system.

13 Ichtisar Parlemen (Parliamentary Summary), Nr. 206, 31 Dec., 1953, pp. 1203–5Google Scholar.

14 “Provisional Constitution”, Indonesian Review, p. 135Google Scholar, cited in note 10.

15 Article 134, ibid., p. 152.

16 Articles 138–39, ibid.

17 As quoted in Report from Indonesia, Vol. 2, No. 12, November 22, 1950, p. 2, Indonesian Information Office, New YorkGoogle Scholar.

18 Antara News Bulletin.

19 Periods of office varied from seven to 14 months with eight being the overall average.

20 Laporan Panitia ad hoc Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat Republik Indonesia mengenai Rantjangan Undang-Undang tentang Pemilihan Anggauta-Anggauta Konstituante [Report of the ad-hoc Committee to the Peoples Representative Council (Parliament) of the Indonesian Republic concerning the draft law for election of members of the Constituent Assembly], mimeographed, June 30, 1951, pp. 2–3Google Scholar. Present population (with rate of increase estimated at 1.5 per cent) is probably in excess of 80,000,000.

21 Ichtisar Parlemen, Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat Sementara [Parliamentary Summary, Peoples Provisional Representative Council], No. 3, pp. 10–12, Jan.–June, 1953Google Scholar.

22 Report on Indonesia, May 22, 1952, Vol. 3, No. 22, pp. 1–3Google Scholar.

23 “Provisional Constitution,” Chapter III, Sect. I, Article 84.

24 VanNiel, Robert, “Indonesian Political Developments”, Far Eastern Survey, Vol. 22, pp. 84–87 (June, 1953)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25 The Indonesian parliament has all too many examples of what Duverger terms “personality parties,” i.e., minor parties, of which he says, “Many of them are nothing more than trade unions of aspirants for office.” Duverger, Maurice, Political Parties, trans. Barbara, and North, Robert (London, 1954), p. 293Google Scholar.

26 Abadi, Djakarta (editorial), Oct. 23, 1954Google Scholar.

27 Indonesia Raya, Djakarta (editorial), Jan., 1953Google Scholar.

28 The following summary of the Election Law's provision is based on the Indonesian text as given in Undang-Undang No. 7, Tahun 1953, tentang Pemilihan Anggota Konstituante dan Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat, published by Kementerian Penerangan, R. I. [Information Ministry of the Indonesian Republic], 1953, 44 pp.Google Scholar

29 All the following references to parliamentary discussions are based on the official transcripts as given in Ichtisar Parlemen, Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat Sementara, No. 1–77, pp. 1–384, Jan.–June, 1953Google Scholar, passim.

30 Suba-Wiguna, Mohammed, Undang-Undang Pemilihan Umum, N. V. Pustaka & Penerbit “Endang”, Djakarta, 1953 (booklet), pp. 3–4Google Scholar.

31 This would not have meant that subdivisions of an election district would then be scattered all over Indonesia. Most racial groups are found in one compact geographical area. In Java, for example, the Sudanese occupy the province of West Java and the Javanese that of Central Java and part of East Java, while the Madurese occupy the rest of the province and, of course, the island of Madura itself.

32 See Metzmaekers, L., “The Western New Guinea Problem”, Pacific Affairs, Vol. 24, pp. 131–42 (June, 1951)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

33 See Finklestein, Lawrence S., “The Indonesian Federal Problem”, Pacific Affairs, Vol. 24, pp. 284–95 (Sept., 1951)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34 The 1930 census was the last decennial census under the Dutch regime. Since then no census has been taken.

35 The term has never been officially defined although the last cabinet, for the first time since independence, presented Parliament with a draft citizenship bill in early November, 1954.

36 Provisional Constitution, 1950, Articles 56 and 135. See also the Election Law (Undang-Undang No. 7, 1953), Paragraphs 32–35.

37 As reported in Abadi, Djakarta, November 1, 1954. Since the Constituent Assembly's task of fixing Indonesia's basic law is of such grave importance, it was considered necessary that it be twice the size of Parliament to insure the widest possible representation.

38 The final solution represents a curious melange of representational theories stemming from such varied (and disparate) backgrounds as those of the European proportional representation systems, the Anglo-Saxon individual candidate, and overtones of German and Italian Fascist corporate theories.

39 Constituent Assembly representation, of course, is precisely double this.

40 Antara News Bulletin, Djakarta, Nov. 1, 1954Google Scholar.

41 This was more a matter of principle than any feeling that someone might be barred from participation by the necessity of posting this bond. Even in such a low average income country as Indonesia, anyone at all likely to be a candidate would not be deterred by so modest an amount as R. 250.

42 Pollock, James K., “The West German Electoral Law of 1953”, this Review, Vol. 49, pp. 107–30 (March, 1955)Google Scholar.

43 Pengumuman No. 3, Panitia Pemilihan Indonesia [Announcement No. 3, Indonesian Election Committee], Mimbar Penerangan, August, 1954, No. 8, pp. 652–55Google Scholar.

44 Antara (semi-official Indonesian News Agency), Jan. 28, 1954.

45 Article 44 of the 1950 Constitution lists “the General Audit Department” as one of the “organs of the state” ranking with the President and Vice-President, the Ministers, the House of Representatives, and the Supreme Court. The concept apparently was adopted from the Netherlands Constitution (Article 179), which lists the Accounting Chamber (Rekenkamer) as one of the basic organs of government.

46 “Unused” in the sense that they were in excess of the total number of votes needed to equal the district election quotient.

47 See Articles 102–104 of the Netherlands Election Law (Kieswet voorstien van Marginale Annteekeningen, Vijfde Druk, April, 1946, Alphen ann den Rijn, N. Samson, N. V., 1946)Google Scholar.

48 Considering how small a percentage of the voters even in the completely literate and politically sophisticated countries of Western Europe ever exercise their option of individual choice in connection with party lists, these elaborate provisions of the Indonesian election law can be regarded as little more than windowdressing.

49 The Ali cabinet set a new Indonesian record by remaining in office from August 1, 1953, until July 24, 1955. As did the other four cabinets since 1950, it resigned prior to a vote of no-confidence.

50 See Feith, Herbert, “Towards Elections in Indonesia”, Pacific Affairs, Vol. 27, pp. 236–55 (Sept., 1954)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

51 Antara News Bulletin, Nov. 8, 1953.

52 Antara News Bulletin, Dec. 1, 1953.

53 See Antara News Bulletins, Jan.-March, 1953, passim.

54 Antara, July 13, 1954.

55 Lembaran Negara Republik Indonesia No. 18, 1954. Pemilihan umum. Peraturan Pemrintah Nr. 9 tahun 1954, tentang penjelenggaraan Undang-undang Pemilihan Umum. (Decree of the Indonesian Republic, No. 18, 1954. General Election, Government Regulation No. 9, year 1954, regarding the execution of the General Election Law, 84 paragraphs, 41 pages.)

56 Antara News Bulletin, October 10, 1954. Unofficial and unpublished estimates of the number thus arbitrarily disfranchised run as high as 10,000,000.

57 See p. 171, par. 4.

58 Antara, Jan. 26, 1955.

59 Lembaran-Negara Republik Indonesia Nr. 18, 1954. Pemilihan Umum. Perturan Pemerintah Nr. 9, pasal 34–41, pp. 15–18.

60 Antara, Nov. 26, 1954. Interior Minister Sunario in interview at Schiphol Airport, Amsterdam.

61 This was embodied in a government regulation the text of which had not as yet reached this country as of mid-August.

62 Antara, Aug. 10, 1955.

63 Antara, July 21, 1954.

64 Merdeka (daily paper), Djakarta, July 17, 1954Google Scholar.

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