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Joseph de Maistre and the Reaction Against the Eighteenth Century

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 August 2014

Elisha Greifer*
Affiliation:
Vassar College

Extract

It is a commonplace observation of French politics of the past century that men who started out as radicals turned conservative as they grew older, and that party groups launched with radical names and programs, though they kept the names, swung to the Right with the passage of time. In both cases we explain the transformation, in part at least, as evidence of an increasing satisfaction with the status quo, as the political system made room for the newcomer. In Joseph de Maistre we have an example from a somewhat earlier age of a less common phenomenon, the conservative turned reactionary, and impelled, moreover, to develop a systematic justification of his new position. Evidently, no parallel explanation will serve to account for this change, for Maistre, though he found a place for himself in the public life of his time, grew increasingly dissatisfied with the trend of events around him. It will not do, either, to dismiss him—in the manner of the orthodox tradition in the history of political thought—as an authoritarian ogre, or an irrationalist, or simply as a confused man, a split personality with humanitarian impulses and reactionary ideas. There was no inconsistency in this combination. Rather the explanation must be sought in the political situation of his day as he saw it, and in his concern for the perennial problem of political obligation. The positions that concern led him to take, his rationalizations of them, and the difficulties they landed him in, are the subject of this article.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © American Political Science Association 1961

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References

1 Popularized by Brandes, G., Main Currents in Nineteenth Century Literature (6 vols., N. Y., 1906), Vol. III, pp. 75, 87112 Google Scholar.

2 His letters show that Maistre was a humane person who found the Russian punishment by the knout épouvantable (letter [1806], Oeuvres complètes de Joseph de Maistre [14 vols., Lyon, 1884], Vol. X, pp. 268269 Google Scholar); from St. Petersburg he reminded his Sovereign, after discovering the arbitrary treatment dealt out to several wretches, that “crime against the State … like any others … must be proved” (letter of 28 Aug. 1805, Oeuvres, Vol. IX, p. 462 Google Scholar). The use of torture that he presented as a paradox (Les soirées de Saint-Pétersbourg [1817] really upset him as a magistrate ( Descostes, F., Joseph de Maistre avant la Révolution [2 vols., Paris, 1893], Vol. II, p. 18 Google Scholar).

3 Berlin, I., The Hedgehog and the Fox (N. Y., 1953)Google Scholar. But surely Maistre believed in authority, not “because it was an irrational force,” but because he thought it was well-grounded. The alternative was, moreover, anarchy.

4 It is patronizing, as well as unjust, to Maistre as a reactionary not to concede that his patrician humanity is part and parcel of his reactionary theories. The Revolution was a human catastrophe, hence the Eighteenth Century was wrong. Protestantism caused dissension and the bloody Wars of Religion, hence it should never have been tolerated.

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24 Ibid., p. 37.

25 Id., Vol. I. The work was written during 1793–96, but not finished, and was first published posthumously.

26 Ibid., pp. 367, 406. Thus Voltaire has destroyed the religious “cement,” and Rousseau political authority.

27 “Mémoire” (1809), id., Vol. XI, p. 352.

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33 Maistre is not in a position to take advantage of the help offered by Burke, who defends the old France by minimizing its difference from England. National representation, alive in England, is dead or dormant in France. Ibid., p. 45.

34 In fairness, it ought not to be forgotten, as it usually is, that Maistre means limited monarchy, in which there is an independent judiciary, room for talent, advisory councils and the liberty indigenous among the European peoples—i.e., the ancien régime as it had lately functioned in Savoy and was supposed to function in France. Ibid., pp. 430–437, 440–441, 450–452. Furthermore, the army law excluding the third estate from commissions was une gaucherie ministerielle and simply unenforceable. Nor is Maistre sure that venality of offices is good. The old French constitution is not absolutism, but a mélange de liberté et d'autorité. “Considerations sur la France,” id., Vol. I, pp. 89, 95 n.1, 132.

35 “Étude,” id., Vol. I, pp. 524–525. As with Hobbes, the alternative is anarchy. This applies, of course, to any form of government for both writers, democracy included.

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64 Letter of 22 May 1814, id., Vol. XII, pp. 427–428.

65 “Du Pape,” id., Vol. II, p. xxiv.

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67 “Reflexions,” ibid., p. 67.

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70 De Cive, Part II, ch. 13.

71 “Du Pape,” p. 274.

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85 Earlier, “Considérations,” see above; later, Générteur,” Oeuvres, Vol. I, p. 284 Google Scholar. Maistre came also to defend venality of judicial office as securing the independence of the judiciary.

86 “Quatre chapitres sur la Russie,” id., Vol. VIII, p. 355.

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