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The Technique of the Pluralistic State
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 September 2013
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What is the pluralistic theory of the state? Roughly speaking, we may identify the pluralistic theory as that theory which denies the logical validity and the practical and moral adequacy of the traditional doctrine of state sovereignty, or of the doctrines of sovereignty which have prevailed since the eras of Bodin and Hobbes, and have in a peculiar degree dominated political thought since the time of John Austin. Although the pluralist dogma does not take precisely the same form for all of its adherents, views held in common by them all are to be found in the chief criticisms which they offer against what they regard as the now prevailing notions of state authority and competence. The pluralists maintain that sovereignty is not, in any community, indivisible, and they deny that the state either is or ought to be sovereign in any absolute or unique sense. They cite many facts of recent political and social experience to discredit the belief that the state does persistently exercise sovereignty over other essential social groups; they argue that the tendency of social and industrial change today is in the direction of a progressive weakening and narrowing of state power; and they hold that the effect of a still further disintegration and decentralization of authority will be to improve the economic, moral and intellectual well-being of man and society.
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References
1 An excellent analysis of recent pluralistic theory is that contained in the sympathetic, though at some points adverse, criticism by MissFollet, M. P., in chapters 28–32 of her volume the New State (New York, 1918).Google Scholar The article by MissEllis, E. D., on “The Pluralistic State” (American Political Science Review, August, 1920, pp. 393–407)Google Scholar presents another useful exposition and criticism of the doctrine.
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46 Joint Control in Private Industry. Another practical movement which is in part decentralizing in tendency and which involves a recognition of group interests, is the movement for joint control (or workers' participation in control) in private industry. The movement may be regarded as a practical application of principles similar to those of the sociologists referred to above. There are a great many illustrations in the field both of practice and of proposals, and there are many familiar recent examples of a recognition by the state of the need for dealing with industrial problems through agencies representative of the organized groups immediately concerned. The working of some systems of compulsory arbitration is largely dependent (as in New Zealand and New South Wales) upon action of workers and employers in their respective organizations. And in England, the Whitley system of joint standing industrial councils in each industry to settle by periodic negotiation a wide range of questions in that industry, affords another example. The experiences of a number of these Whitley councils during the last two years proves them competent to deal intelligently with a variety of industrial questions and to reach conclusions acceptable to both sides and practically applicable. Similar schemes have been instituted in other European countries, and the tentative and partial steps in the same line in this country are familiar. There is a copious current literature on this general movement. See especially Sidney, and Webb, Beatrice, A Constitution for the Socialist Commonwealth of Great Britain (London, 1920)Google Scholar, and Gleason, Arthur, “The New Constitutionalism in British Industry,” Survey, Vol. 41 (1919), pp. 594–598.Google Scholar
47 Laski, , Authority in the Modern State, pp. 45, 83.Google Scholar
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