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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 August 2014
“Italian unification” is an old phrase, today acquiring new meaning. Whatever Garibaldi would have thought of D'Annunzian and Fascist squadrism, however Cavour would have viewed the modern cult of Machiavelli, avowed by Mussolini, one may be sure that Mazzini would have been shocked at the chauvinist absolutism now proudly boasted by the Fascist régime: absolutism in the sense of an executive guided by its own intuitions and conscience, free from political criticism or parliamentary control; absolutism also in a sense for which English words are wanting, except as we boldly transliterate, and hope that “intransigence,” “totalitarianism,” will be understood to mean an all-inclusive hundredpercentedness. Italy is called by Mussolini “monolithic,” all of one piece, tolerating anti-Fascist criticism no more than other states tolerate treason; all in and for Fascism, nothing against Fascism. Indeed, Fascism, without ceasing to be a party, has become the state. For parties in Edmund Burke's sense there is supposed to be no more need than for the factions Washington abhorred. Opposition such as is normal in the Cavourian scheme of parliamentary government—responsible critics, loyal and ready to take their turn in governing—is superfluous, a mere obstacle or obstruction to efficiency. None is permitted—in parliament, in press, in platform, or even in theory.
What has just been said is presented, not by way of judging, but only of summarizing, the attitude firmly (courageously or arrogantly, according to the observer's prejudices) maintained by the powers that be in Italy today. The recent months have seen several important steps taken in the direction of institutional realization of this view.
1 This portion of the list is by law distributed among the several economic interests in the following proportions:
The two columns at the extreme right indicate the approximate numbers of persons who will participate in the nominations, by reason of membership in the general councils of the several confederations (Corriere della Sera, Sept. 29, 1928). These bodies meet in Rome, and act by plurality.
2 A report from this joint committee was presented December 8, 1928, indicating approximately how these 200 nominees are to be apportioned. A considerable share come from certain categories of persons who cannot be allowed to unionize themselves: 5 from the railroad men, 2 from the postal and telegraph services, 2 from industries dependent on the state, 28 from the other public employees, and 55 from the staffs of public instruction (universities 30, middle schools 15, primary schools 10). Nearly as large a representation is allotted to the nation's war heroes, i.e., 45 to the Combattenti and 30 to the Mutilati. The remaining 33 are to stand for certain ideal values in the state: 9 from the academies of learned men; 2 from the institutions of fine arts; 3 from Gentile's Fascist Institute of Culture; 2 from the “Dante Alighieri,” long famous for its propaganda of irredentism; 8 from the Nationalist propaganda institution; and one representative for each of the following nine ideas, which are mostly embodied in semi-public associations under Fascist guidance: the navy, the colonies, coöperation, savings, corporately organized capital, reclamation of agricultural land, home travel (the Touring Club), athletics (the Olympionic Committee), and “labor improving its leisure” (the Dopolavoro).
3 This is the sole point at which the bill underwent amendment on its passage through Parliament. The words “and arms” were added in the Chamber, on motion of Deputy Baistrocchi, to the list of qualities of fame which should occasion the Grand Council's going outside of the lists presented.
4 One might suppose a parallelism with the French conseil d'état, that Napoleonic repository of technical advice in legislation and administration, providing check and assistance to the one-man power. The Italian system has long had a consiglio di stato on the French model, its functions being purely juridical, in the field of administrative law. This gran consiglio of the 1928 law is, on the contrary, absolutely (squisitamente) political.
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