Probably no single treaty containing the most-favored-nation clause has caused more controversy than that made between the United States and Prussia, May 1, 1828. Certainly none has attracted more attention from individuals and bodies other than ministerial. This being the case, and since this controversy and its issue illustrate, in a variety of phases common to no other single instance, the necessity for careful application of certain of the principles and methods of interpretation indicated, it will be profitable to study the history of German-American most-favored-nation relations in some detail.

Following the issue of the Philippines Report, and as the diplomatic correspondence proceeded, which led to the International Commission, action after action was taken by the interested governments to control or stamp out the misuse of opium. The Chinese government was prompt, and her leaders and people enthusiastic. January, 1906, saw four of her great viceroys publish a manifesto on the subject. Part of it ran: “ As Great Britain is the friend of China, she will shortly be called to assist the Chinese government to stamp out the evil.” The Chinese government prohibited, without qualification, the use of opium in the Imperial colleges and schools, and in the recently created army.

When the thirteen colonies became a nation and formed the Constitution of the United States of America, their population was chiefly on the Atlantic seaboard. Their ships sailed to every port of the civilized world. They were alive to the importance of foreign commerce. The wars of the Napoleonic epoch and the controversies to which they gave rise, led the American people to feel that it was for their interest, not only to abstain from entangling alliances with the powers of continental Europe, but to limit their activities as far as possible to their own territory. The acquisition of Louisiana from the French in 1803 gave to the United States a fertile and almost boundless domain and afforded an opening for national growth, which of itself tended to withdraw the thought and enterprise of our people from foreign business. Undoubtedly our foreign commerce did increase down to the time of the Civil War, but it did not keep pace with the development of ^he country or with the growth of interstate commerce. Since the Civil War, however, the current has turned. The wealth of the United States has enormously increased. Its capital is found invested in foreign countries, and it has acquired territorial possessions not only in the Atlantic, but in the Pacific, which have changed entirely the attitude of the American people. It must inevitably be the case that in the future the number of American citizens who go to foreign countries and take up a residence there will far exceed that of any other period of our history. A few of these no doubt will become citizens of the countries to which they go, but experience shows that the great majority both of English and American citizens who reside in foreign countries still retain their citizenship. The relation borne by the home government to these citizens domiciled abroad is, therefore, a matter of great and increasing importance.

In the very able paper appearing in a previous issue of this Journal, discussing the question of whether the United States should or should not fortify the Panama Canal, the writer states his conclusion that we are legally and morally bound to abstain from fortifying, that the advantages which fortifications might give are more than offset by their disadvantages, and, irrespective of the question of legality, it is bad public policy and strategy to fortify.

In previous papers of this Journal I have shown that the Department of State was created to manage not only the foreign affairs of the government, but such domestic executive business as did not naturally fall under the war and treasury departments; and in addition it has performed certain temporary or occasional duties some of which have passed to other departments and some of which are still under its jurisdiction. In the natural expansion of the business of the government the tendency has been to transfer from the Department all those duties which are purely domestic, and those which have been thus transferred will now be considered.

The announcement on September 1, 1909, by Dr. Frederick A. Cook, that he had discovered the north pole on April 21, 1908, and the almost contemporary declaration on September 6th, of Robert A. Peary, of the United States Navy, in command of the Roosevelt, that he had discovered the north pole on April 6, 1909, are, if substantiated, not only international events and scientific achievements of the greatest interest and value, but the culmination of centuries of effort, directed not merely to reach the pole, but to shorten commercial routes by the discovery of a northwestern and northeastern passage, to advance our knowledge of arctic geography and to make known in a disinterested and scientific spirit, the flora, fauna, and the physical configuration of the arctic regions.