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Law Professors: A Profile of the Teaching Branch of the Legal Profession
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 November 2018
Abstract
In the United States, law schools provide the principal route of entry into the legal profession. Indeed, education in a law school is the only experience that virtually all members of the modern legal profession have in common. The gatekeeping function of law schools places the nation's law teachers in a most influential position. Although law professors play a vital role in selecting and molding the members of the profession, little research has been done on them. This article presents the results of the American Bar Foundation's first major study of law teachers. The author finds them to be a most highly credentialed group of lawyers, the overwhelming majority of whom are graduates of a small group of elite law schools. She also finds that possession of a degree from one of these schools appears to be not only highly determinative of who become law teachers but also of the nature of teachers' academic careers.
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- Copyright © American Bar Foundation, 1980
References
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I employed tests of significance throughout the analysis of the data on law teachers despite the fact that the data in this study represent the universe of law teachers rather than a sample thereof. As Stinchcombe and others have noted, tests of significance provide estimates of measurement as well as sampling error and therefore should be used with both universe and subgroup data. See Stinchcombe, Arthur L., Creating Efficient Industrial Administrations (New York: Academic Press, 1974). For that reason, I used tests of significance where appropriate in this study.Google Scholar
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30 These three categories of career experiences are the end product of an elaborate data reduction process. The data on the early career positions of law teachers had initially been coded so that each position a teacher had held had a separate code for personal status (e.g., assistant professor in a law school, associate in a law office, etc.) and work setting (e.g., law firm, federal government, law school, etc.). The first stage of the data reduction process involved combining the personal status and work setting codes for each position into a single coded unit and then placing these units into related groups. This regrouping or collapsing continued until there were only 10 categories of experiences. They were: (1) non-tenure-track teacher at a law school, (2) law clerk at a court, (3) student, (4) private practitioner (solo and firm), (5) legal aid lawyer or public defender, (6) position in government (includes all departments and agencies), (7) nonlaw position in academe, institute, or association, (8) house counsel, (9) military service, and (10) other. The next stage of the data reduction process involved determining whether there was a relationship between what a law teacher had done during his or her early career and the length of that early career. Using a variety of analytic techniques I found that with the exception of clerking, there was no clear relationship between the nature of the activity pursued and the length of time devoted to it. Once I ascertained that time was not a major factor in the analysis of early career activities, I was able to reduce all the various early career activities that teachers had engaged in to a single coded category. For example, it was easy to code teachers' experiences if they had only been in private practice, but how could their activities be coded if they had been in private practice, worked for the government, and clerked for a judge before entering tenure track teaching? After considerable work, I found that the early career activities of virtually all law teachers fell into 17 categories of experience representing various combinations of the 10 activity codes listed above. I analyzed these 17 categories to determine their discreteness, and I found that the many types of law practice were not distinguishable in terms of the credentials and/or careers of the law teachers who had engaged in them. Consequently, I was able to collapse categories 4 (private practitioner), 5 (legal aid lawyer or public defender), 6 (position in government), and 8 (house counsel) into the single category “general practice.” In addition, I collapsed categories 7 (nonlaw position in academe) and 9 (military service), which had very few teachers in them, into the general “other” category. The category “student” proved to be redundant with the advanced law degrees possessed by teachers and non-tenure-track teaching positions at law schools, so I collapsed it, too, into the “other” category. In the end, the number of activity codes was reduced to 3 (practicing, clerking, and non-tenure-track teaching), plus the category “other.” The variable that I ultimately used to describe the total early career experiences of law teachers contained 10 codes (7 that represented the combinations of the 3 activity codes plus the category “other”; see table 4).Google Scholar
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This suggests that either the prior professional experience of women was not counted equally with that of men when determining appropriate academic rank or that women indeed had fewer total years of professional experience, perhaps as a result of interrupting their legal careers to meet family obligations.Google Scholar
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